LIBRARY OF CONGRESS. 

Chap.t^-^lrdpvriirlit No. 
Shelf 

UMTED STATES OF AMERICA. 



r 







_Tort Scott* 

D T 1 w .. By 
Wi Hi inv E. Goi\ uellevj ice T lv« Life c(Tc)i u B •' c w a." 



John Brown 



BY 



WILLIAM ELSEY CONNELLEY 

Author of "The Provisional Government of Nebraska Territory," "James Henrj 
Lane, the Grim Chieftain of Kansas," "Wyandot Folk-Lore," 
Kansas Territorial Governors," etc., etc. 



Sic itur ad astra 



" From boulevards 

O'erlooking both Nyanzas, 

The statured bronze shall glitter in the sun, 

With rugged lettering : 

* 3obn JBrown of "Ransas : 
t>e DareD bCQin; 

1be l09t, 
JBut, [oslng, won.' " 

; , —Eugene F. Ware. 



Crane & Company, Publishers 

Topeka, Kansas 

1900 



r; 



^>93f)9 



ort*i y of Conorn** 



NOV 1 1900 

SEr,(>NO COPY. 

OH[>ii{ DIVISION, 
NOV 19 I90U 



Copyrighted by Crank & Co., Topeka, Kansas, 1900. 



PREFACE. 



"Await the issue. In all battles, if you await the issue, each 
fighter has prospered according to his right. His right and his 
might, at the close of the account, were one and the same. He 
has fought with all his might, and in exact proportion to all his 
right he has prevailed. His very death is no victory over him. 
He dies indeed; but his work lives, very truly lives. A heroic 
Wallace, quartered on the scaffold, cannot hinder that Scotland 
become, one day, a part of England: but he does hinder that 
it become, on unfair terms, a part of it; commands still, as with 
a god's voice, from his old Valhalla and Temple of the Brave, 
that there be a just real union as of brother and brother, not a 
false and merely semblant one as of slave and master." 

— Carlyle. 

Emerson says that all history resolves itself into the 
biographies of a few strong characters. This makes it 
imperative that those who would have a right understand- 
ing of the history of their country should study carefully 
the life of John Brown. For it is rare that any country 
produces a man who deliberately, even joyously, lays down 
his life for a principle — for an idea. When such a char- 
acter appears among men he is first maligned and misun- 
derstood, afterwards driven and persecuted, and often 
" gibbeted as a felon." After his death the people come 
gradually to see and understand the great truths he will- 
ingly went to the scaffold for. It becomes apparent that, 
after all, though in conflict with accredited forms and 
established and recognized conventionalities which regu- 

(5) 



PREFACE 



late and prescribe the relations between men in their 
social state, he was right. This realization presses upon 
the people; the cause in their interest which cost human 
blood becomes vital to their existence, as the martyr in- 
sisted. It becomes known by all that he was the first to 
discern in its true magnitude and proportion the evil 
which threatened the progress of the race. It is perceived 
that he alone proposed an adequate remedy, and so deep 
were laid the foundations of his faith that he willingly 
sealed with his blood the cause which the people could but 
reject until the broad sunlight which he saw from his 
mountain-top flooded the valleys in which dwelt those of 
his generation. Men gather about the standard he reared 
and carry it to a triumphant issue and victory for the 
cause for which he suffered martyrdom at their hands. 
Thus, wonderfully and fearfully is man made, and 
strangely is society constituted. 

John Brown perished on a scaffold of ignominy, in 
conformity to the exactions of recognized and accredited 
systems and at the instance of reactionary institutions 
poisoning and drying up the fountains of our national 
life, and in so doing died a martyr for human liberty. 
Such men remain potent forces in individual and national 
life. They touch and quicken in man and nation truth, 
justice, patriotism. When the wiles of greed and avarice 
would tempt us to cast loose from the safe havens of lib- 
erty and justice in pursuit of pomp and grandeur on the 
glittering and deceptive seas of questionable or unjust 
enterprises, the lives of such men blaze and burn a beacon 
on the eternal shores of truth to entreat us to return to 
accord with laws human and divine. 



PREFACE 



John Brown comes with a message to one and all to-day. 
If we can get some correct comprehension of the motives 
by which his life was ordered and the principles which 
led him to sacrifice himself for high and noble purposes, — 
if we can apprehend why he sought the relief of the poor, 
the weak, the despised, rather than the plaudits of the rich, 
the mighty, the unjust, and that in so doing he but sought 
to bring us back to the truth and simplicity of the fathers 
of our country, — then we may profit by the important 
lessons his life holds for us. He was a man, and not, as 
some are inclined to say, a saint whose every act was just, 
v;ho was incapable of doing wrong, w^ho alone and un- 
aided saved Kansas to freedom and America to liberty. 
And we insist that those who seek to sink him to the 
level of the criminal and the malefactor, who distort their 
country's history with malice and venom to gratify private 
animosity or exalt at his expense an inferior contemporaryj 
are equally in error. The efforts of both are futile. Pos- 
terity invariably comes to a right verdict on the actions 
of men. Every fact that will in any way affect this ver- 
dict becomes fully knoMTi. In such an instance it is as im- 
possible to conceal a wrong or suppress a virtue as to blot 
out the sun. John Brown was human, and as such was 
burdened with human weaknesses. That he often erred, 
must be admitted. That his faults were grievous, none 
so well knew as he himself ; and his letters are full of 
confessions. He made no claim to perfection ; w^ho would 
place him in a position so false would do him immeasura- 
ble injustice. He eschewed evil, and strove daily with his 
own shortcomings. He never for a moment sought to 
evade the full responsibility of any act committed by him- 



O PEEFACE 

self or at his instance. Long before he left Kansas for 
Harper's Ferrj he said without evasion or reservation 
that if the killing on the Pottawatomie was murder, he 
was not guiltless. He said this without anv injunction to 
secrecy, and with the full consciousness of the rectitude 
of his own purpose and the unfaltering faith that a right 
understanding of the facts would vindicate his course in 
the ejes of right-thinking men, and that history would 
not fail to justify him. 

The strength of John Brown's life and the grandeur 
of his character lie not in his having been always right. 
N"o man has ever been so. But they lie in his having done 
his duty as he saw it. Perhaps he failed in judgment, 
but never in intention, nor by evasion. In Kansas, pa- 
triotic men differed from him in the policy to be pursued. 
They would have been satisfied with a temporary peace, 
and any compromise which would have made Kansas alone 
a free State. And indeed this would have been a great, 
and when accomplished was, a wonderful achievement 
over seemingly insurmountable obstacles. .John Brown 
believed it his duty and the duty of every man to demand 
freedom for the whole people. He was aware that we 
might patch a compromise and cry "peace ! peace !" as we 
had done before, but he knew there would be no peace 
and no possibility of permanent peace in Kansas or any 
other State or Territory so long as our government was 
an absurdity — so long as we proclaimed freedom and 
practiced slavery. "When he came to Kansas he was an 
old man, and his experience taught him that we had been 
trying compromise and proclaiming peace for half a cen- 
tury, during which slavery had made conquest after con- 



PEEFACE 



9 



quest, — marched from triumph to triumph, — until those 
forces of our country resting upon justice, humanity, the 
Declaration, the Constitution, and the Christian religion, 
said that it was useless to continue longer the deception. 
Without claiming more than that he was acting in obedi- 
ence and conformity to God's will, John Brown repre- 
sented these forces, which were our only hope for preser- 
vation. He believed that God commanded him to make 
war upon the wickedness of slavery. jSTot only that; he 
believed this command was universal, that it was to all 
men. I find no evidence that John Brown assumed to 
be the only man with a divine commission to fight slavery. 
But John Brown heeded this call, and acted upon it; 
therein lies his glory. 

John Brown was right. He was an intense revolutionist 
and an incisive reformer. He went back to the first prin- 
ciples of simple justice ; and having done so, self-deception 
and the temporizing of others became impossible for him. 
He saw the inconsistency and injustice of a government 
founded upon liberty enslaving millions of its people. He 
very properly concluded that it was better that such a 
government cease to exist altogether if it could not be 
brought to conform to its expressed and underlying prin- 
ciples. Some will ask wherein he differed from the seces- 
sionist, who sought the destruction of the Union. John 
Brown would have destroyed it because of its injustice, 
and have built of its ruins the temple of truth, justice, 
liberty, and honor. The secessionist would have destroyed 
it because of its justice, in the hope that he would be en- 
abled to build from the fragments the dishonorable struc- 
ture of injustice and the brutality of human slavery — a 



10 



PKEFACE 



monstrous empire of iniquity. John Brown believed that 
God called liim and every other man to work as in him lay, 
to the end that our country might rise to the divine heights 
of enduring truth and become in fact what the fathers 
designed it — the beacon to lead the world to higher con- 
ceptions of liberty. In this world obedience to the call 
of duty, and the defense of the inalienable rights of hu- 
manity, are due from every man. How few of us respond 
to even the conceptions we attain ! And our universal 
indifference adds the great-er glory to the individual who 
says in his weakness: Here am I; send me; I will do 
what I can. John Brown said that. In sickness and in 
health, through evil and good report; maligned, misrep- 
resented, persecuted and ridiculed ; beset and weighted 
down by poverty; surrounded by obstacles none other 
could have overcome; without any hope, desire or expec- 
tation of reward in this life; not for himself nor his fam- 
ily nor for the rich, the powerful, and the great, but for 
the poor, the driven, the bondman and the slave who toiled 
in a sore and bitter thralldom, he did struggle onward and 
upward in the steep and rugged path appointed to him. 
There is little doubt that he often saw the scaffold, or a 
file of soldiers in front of himself with a coffin at his 
feet, at the end of the way. But he turned not aside. 
So devoted to his Master's work was he that he could 
exclaim, with Saint Paul : " For I am persuaded, that 
neither death, nor life, nor angels, nor principalities, nor 
powers, nor things present, nor things to come, nor height, 
nor depth, nor any other creature, shall be able to separate 
us." And therein lies the nobility, the majesty, and the 
sublimitv of the character of John Brown. God had given 



PEEFACE 



11 



him the cup, and until He let it pass it must be drained 
to the last drop. When it was manifest that this cup con- 
tained the bitterness of death, it was given him to see 
that he was right, that his work had not been in vaiu, 
and the power to exclaim in triumph and in great faith 
with another servant of God who perished at the hands 
of a wicked and unjust state : " I have fought the good 
fight, I have finished mj course, I have kept the faith: 
Henceforth there is laid up for me a crown of righteous- 
ness, which the Lord, the righteous judge, shall give me at 
that day : and not to me only, but unto all them that love 
his appearing." 

So much in advance of his age was John Brown, that 
it took the Civil War to show us that he was right, and to 
reveal to the world the divine height of justice, humanity 
and liberty upon which he stood and looked down with 
horror upon the sodden iniquity of our land. He was 
strangled on the border-land between liberty and slavery. 
His blood maddened the South. It fell to them according 
to the true proverb, " Whom the gods would destroy they 
first make mad." A year later the Southern people cried : 
Kill ! burn ! slay ! Away with the Union ! We will have 
none of it! What is it to us or our children? We will 
build us a country the foundation-stone of which shall be 
human slavery! Truly, it was upon the second day of 
December, 1859, as though the noonday sun had broken 
there over a field of moles ! But for the ISTorth, solemn 
and serious was the day! Good men everywhere clothed 
themselves with sackcloth and sat in ashes in repentance 
for the sins of the land. They stood upon the walls of 
the cities to warn the people to flee from the manifest 



12 



PEEFACE 



wrath of Heaven. Thej girded on the sword of the Lord 
and of Gideon. When the voice of incendiarism was 
raised in the temple bv the South, the spirit of John Brown 
stalked abroad and became the inspiration of the armies 
marching to bring back the nation to its starting-point. 
J fill and dale resounded with patriotic songs, — " Tramp, 
tramp, tramp, the boys are marching," and " We are com- 
ing, father Abraham, three hundred thousand more." 
But when the grim and grislj columns grew faint and 
road-worn ; when armies met in battle-shock which shook 
the solid earth and the day was doubtful ; when the long 
lines of blood-stained Blue would staunch the wound and 

"Lend the eye a terrible aspect; 
Let it pry thruugli the portage of tlie head 
Like the brass cannon ; let the brow o'erwhelm it 
As fearfully as doth a galled rock 
O'erhang and jutty his confounded base, 
Swill'd with the wild and wasteful ocean," 

and nerve the terrible arm of war to do or die, — then 
arose the war-cry of the Xorth, — that weird, soul-thrilling 
strain, bearing over the weary way, on the field of blood 
and carnage, the solemn chant, 

"John Brown's body lies mouldering in the grave, 
But his soul goes marching on." 

As the volume of this grim Marseillaise of America 
rose and rolled, filling the valleys and overflowing the re- 
straining hills with a fearful menace like the eagle's 
scream, courage filled every heart, daring shone in every 
eye, and the armies of the Republic became invincible. 

The Kansas Historical Societv has one of the finest 



PEEFACE 



13 



libraries in America. Its vaults are rich in documents 
relating to John Brown, his men and his times. The 
obliging and efficient Secretary, Hon. George W. Martin, 
placed all these at my service. He that would know John 
Brown as he really was must pore over these papers ; and 
this John Brown Collection is the most complete in the 
country. 

I rest, also, under deep obligations to F. B. Sanborn, 
Esq., of Concord, Massachusetts, author of Life and Let- 
ters of John Brown. His work is the most extensive and 
exhaustive biography of John Brown ever written. It is 
particularly rich in letters and other original documents. 
Mr. Sanborn had unusual opportunities to gather this in- 
valuable material, and all students of American history 
have cause to thank him for the fidelity with which he 
has performed the work. His burning pages have ever 
been an incentive to me to dig and delve in this interest- 
ing historical field. During his recent visit to our city 
we discussed the work of John Brown; since his return 
home he has sent me books and papers. 

And I am no less bound to Colonel Richard J. Hinton, 
of Brooklyn, N. Y. While he was in attendance upon the 
sessions of the annual meeting of the State Historical 
Society we had many conferences upon this subject. Since 
his return home. Colonel Hinton has continued to assist 
me. He is one of John Brown's men, and but one other 
man now living has so great a personal knowledge of the 
martyr. Colonel Hinton is the author of John Brown and 
His Men, the best book ever published for information of 
those who followed the old hero to Harper's Ferry. Kan- 
sas owes much to Colonel Hinton. He fought for her 



14 



PREFACE 



through the dark days of the Territorial period, with pen 
and sword. He fought in the ranks of her armies through 
the Civil War; and he has fought her battles with the pen 
every day since the close of the Rebellion. Kansas never 
had a truer friend than Colonel Hinton. 

Very few States or countries have been favored with 
80 complete a record of the events constituting their his- 
tory as can be found in ^Vilder's Annals of Kansas, gath- 
ered, compiled, -and written by the Honorable D. W. 
Wilder, of Hiawatha. It is by far the greatest work ever 
prepared upon the history of Kansas; all others sink into 
insignilicance when cvumparcd with it. It is an imperish- 
able monument to the genius and industry of its author. 
Mr. Wilder brought greater talents and learning to his 
task, and longer experience in the field he covered so thor- 
oughly, than can be boasted of any other Kansas work. 
The genius of an author is as much displayed in what he 
omits as in what he writes; Mr. Wilder seizes the vital 
thread of Kansas history and holds it to the end. Nothing 
superfluous is tolerated. Every vital fact is stated. In 
this great work we see accomplished the most delicate 
and difficult feat known to literature — a work at once in- 
dispensable to the busy man at his desk, seeking the barest 
statement, and to the student poring at his table by the 
midnight oil. No Kansas writer has ever equaled Mr. 
Wilder in the use of short, sharp, clear-cut, meaty sen- 
tences. His words take their places like polished blocks 
in a granite wall. The pages of Kansas history are filled 
with illustrious names; and that of D. W. Wilder will 
outlive and outshine all others. Aside from his work, 
the book of Kansas books, I have had th^ benefit of Mr. 



PREFACE 15 

Wilder's personal interest in this Life of John Brown; 
his vast knowledge of the subject has been at all times 
at my disposal. 

I am under obligations to Mrs. Sara T. D. Robinson, 
of Lawrence, for aid in preparing this work. She kindly 
sent me books and pamphlets which it would have been 
difficult for me to find elsewhere than in her vast collection 
relating to Kansas history. One of the earliest and best 
books written on Kansas is her Kansas: Its Interior and 
Exterior Life. It was not the least of the causes which 
made Kansas free. And in addition to her literary work 
for " bleeding Kansas," she rendered services which were 
a credit to her head and heart, and of vast benefit to us 
who enjoy the fruits of them. 

The list of brilliant Kansas writers to whom I am under 
obligations for aid in preparing this work contains no 
more illustrious name than that of Eugene F. Ware. 
Mr. Ware insists that he is only a business man who turns 
occasionally to the delights of literature as he is moved 
by his muse. It may be so; but he is perfectly familiar 
with every phase of Kansas life and development, and has 
investigated and written well on many of our important 
historical subjects. His writings are not all in verse, 
although he is our earliest eminent Kansas poet. The 
keepers of the true traditions were the first poets, and the 
founders of all literature. In ancient times, as in the 
days of Homer, the songs they chanted had imbedded in 
them the history of their country, and they were national 
characters. Our mother country still adheres to this* an- 
cient usage, and recognizes a national bard. It is the boast 
of Kansas that she has everything good possessed by any 



16 



PRETACE 



other land. Our Poet Laureate is Mr. Ware, than whom 
Kansas has no more talented nor loyal son. His poem, 
John Brovum, is second in popularity only to the great 
song which inspired the legions on the battlefield, where 
Mr. Ware doubtless often sang it. Every student of Kan- 
sas history must read well the writings of Eugene F. Ware. 
The Rev. Thomas C. Richards, pastor of the Congre- 
gational Church in West Torrington, Connecticut, to 
which John Brown's father and mother belonged, sent me 
valuable papers. The Historical Department of Iowa, 
Des Moines, sent me books and papers which I found indis- 
pensable in writing this work. Mrs. Elvira Gaston Piatt, 
formerly of Nebraska and Iowa, residing now in Oberlin, 
Ohio, was long engaged in benevolent and charitable work 
in the West. In the days when John Brown was labor- 
ing for Kansas she lived on the road through Iowa taken 
by Eree-State people in passing to and from the Territory. 
She knew the old hero, and her roof gave him shelter. 
She is now in the evening of a noble and beautiful Chris- 
tian life; and forgetting the weight of her many years, 
has taken her pen in hand to give me the benefit of her 
knowledge. Major J. B. Remington, of Osawatomie, mar- 
ried the daughter of the Rev. S. L. Adair, who was the 
brother-in-law of John Brown. There remain some of the 
letters of the martyr in the family. These, together with 
papers and pictures, Mr. Remington sent me, for which I 
acknowledge here my obligations. I have talked with a 
great number of persons who knew John Brown in Kansas 
and elsewhere, and from them I obtained much of value. 
Some of these are the oldest and most respected citizens 
of the State. Among the many so consulted I desire to 



PREFACE 



17 



mention the following: Edward P. Harris, John Arm- 
strong, G. W. W. Yates, Harvey D. Kice, Edwin R Par- 
tridge, Jacob Willets, and Samuel J. Header. I am in- 
debted to Captain Joseph G. Waters for many useful 
suggestions. 

This work was originally prepared for the Twentieth 
Century Classics, a monthly educational publication issued 
by Crane & Company, Topeka. The Classics are issued 
under the editorial supervision of William M. Davidson, 
Superintendent of the Topeka public schools, and are rap- 
idly finding favor with the general readers of the country, 
as well as with the thorough investigators and students. 
Mr. Davidson is well equipped by nature and training 
for his responsible position. I have had the benefit of 
his perfect knowledge of the subject in the writing of this 
work, and am under deep debt to him for assistance. 

I am in duty bound to acknowledge the deep interest 
taken in this work by the house of Crane & Company, for 
whom it was prepared. They have given me every facil- 
ity at the command of their great establishment, for the 
collection of material for this volume. They assisted me 
to secure all that the latest and most thorough research 
could offer. They have ever been the true friends of 
Kansas writers, and have published more Kansas books 
than all other Kansas houses combined. Their publica- 
tions have covered every field, and they deserve well of the 
State. They left nothing undone to help me make this 

work all it should be. 

WILLIAM ELSEY OONNELLEY. 

ToPBKA, Kansas, September 3, 1900. 

—2 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

Frontispikcb. Map showing area of the Kansas Territorial Wars. 

Phbfaob 7 

CHAPTER I. 
Slaveby in America 21 

CHAPTER II. 
The Political Beginnings of Kansas 48 

CHAPTER III. 
The Browns — A Family of Pioneers 78 

CHAPTER IV. 
John Bbown and the Fugitive Slave Law 102 

CHAPTER V. 
From Big Springs to Pottawatomie 119 

CHAPTER VI. 
War on the Pottawatomie — Preliminary 152 

CHAPTER VII. 
War on the Pottawatomie — Cowp de Maitre 185 

CHAPTER VIII. 
War on the Pottawatomie — Determination 219 

CHAPTER IX. 
The Battle op Black Jack 252 

(19) 



20 CONTENTS 

CHAPTER X. 
Woodson's Wa r of Extermination — 1858 278 

CHAPTER XI. 

Fabiwell to Kansas 305 

CHAPTER XII. 
The Kennedy Farm 334 

CHAPTER XIII. 
Thb Seizure of Harper's Fkrrt 348 

CHAPTER XIV. 
The Tkul of Captain John Brown 360 

CHAPTER XV. 
Court to Scaffold 371 

Index 397 




^^^^'^'^ppwr 



CHAPTER I. 

SLAVERY IN AMERICA. 



The abhorred Form 
Whose scarlet robe was stiff with earthly pomp, 
Who drank iniquity in cups of gold. 
Whose names were many and all blasphemous. 

— Coleridge. 

The origin of moral law must be sought in the dawn 
of intelligence and at that point in human progress where 
man is first conscious of human dignity. In the condi- 
tion anterior to this, man was a savage with a remote 
social instinct. He was a hunter, and prowled from the 
same necessity that impels the wolf. As war is a relation 
between state and state and not a relation between man 
and man,^ his conflicts in this early stage of his develop- 
ment are to be regarded as single combats, duels, and 
encounters;^ and in these he could capture prisoners but 
could not make them slaves. Having no occupation nor 
industry in which one held by force could be profitably 
employed, he slew his captives on the field of battle or 
reserved them for torture or sacrifice. If any escaped 
these ends, they were adopted, and became competent 
members of the victorious band or family. But death 
might not await females, for in this period of social prog- 
ress (or the want of it) whatever of labor is necessary to 
life is performed by the women. And in the animal king- 

(21) 



22 JOHN BBOWN 

flom the first and cbief contention between the males arises 
for possession of the females; in even the crudest forms 
of society females may be held by force, but their deten- 
tion is not slavery as we understand the term, and their 
lot is not more wretched than that of the women born in 
the family or band holding them. 

In the path of human progress the barbarian follows 
the savage; the advance is chiefly due to the tending of 
such animals as may have been domesticated. Men are 
congregated into rude governments, the distinguishing 
features of which are patriarchal ; men are associated 
along the lines of consanguinity. Man is here nomadic, 
but usually the wanderings of a band or community do 
not extend beyond the bounds of a circumscribed and well- 
defined district; and such rovings are often to find pas- 
turage for herds and flocks. The outlines of a state are 
discernible and a rude and savage warfare is possible. 
Captives are reserved for bart<}r to adjoining tribes, and 
a few are retained to assist in whatever of agriculture 
may be practiced ; some may be even intrusted with the 
care of animals. 

In the third period of human progress society becomes 
sedentary and man fixes himself to the soil of a particular 
locality, and in the main he keeps to this. This is the 
result of several causes; as the nomadic families and 
clans of the barbarous increase, more dependence is had 
upon the soil for existence. The warlike characteristics 
are retained, and as slaves cannot be expected to battle 
valiantly for their masters, they are forced to cultivate 
the land, and are also given care of the herds and flocks 
which the masters have deserted for war and conquest. 



SLAVERY IN AMEEICA 



23 



The divine decree, " In the sweat of thy face shalt thou 
eat bread," was considered by the ancients a punishment 
of sufficient mag-nitude for disobedience to God's specific 
command. This judgment is founded in the nature of 
man, for in him there is no inherent love of work. Reg- 
ular and sustained labor is a characteristic which it has 
taken man ages to acquire. "Antipathy to regular and 
sustained labor is deeply rooted in human nature, es- 
pecially in the earlier stages of the social movement, 
when insouciance is so common a trait, and irresponsi- 
bility is hailed as a welcome relief." ^ 

Productive industry has always been the result of slav- 
ery, and has become a fixed characteristic in a people only 
after ages of labor performed by the helpless under the 
strong hand of force and oppression. Nowhere has a 
system of economics arisen by voluntary effort. When 
the decadence of force enabled the lower strata of society 
to rise and throw off their bonds, the whole community 
was compelled to work, — to unite in labor to supply the 
necessaries and wants resulting from the labor of a por- 
tion, now become indispensable to the existence of all. 
Slavery is reestablished by further conquest, or, perhaps, 
has not been allowed to become altogether obsolete. But 
as slavery presupposes the existence of a condition or state 
of war, it becomes now deleterious to the society founded 
upon the industries its presence developed. For, in the de- 
velopment of these industries human dignity appears and 
moral law is perceived; this the moral reaction of slav- 
ery tends to subvert, and if involuntary servitude is per- 
sisted in as an institution, society is thrown back on itself 
and industrial and moral development becomes impossible. 



24 



JOHN BEOWN 



And the mental powers being different in different indi- 
viduals, or becoming so by occupations in different indus- 
tries or by certain conventionalities instituted and im- 
posed by the masters, society divides along the line of 
mental strength or upon the basis of conventionalities, 
and this results in the enslavement of a portion of society 
by caste or custom. The accumulations of ages fall into 
the hands and under the control of a few. If the inferior 
classes escape the slavery of caste, slaves are imported, 
and the free citizens are sent to war. The property of 
the state, including the land, falls into the hands of the 
class who rule politically, and who are supported by the 
labor of the weak and the helpless. They become a class of 
idlers and cruel oppressors who lead lives of ease, indul- 
gence, and often of excess and wickedness. War is en- 
tered upon for conquest and weaker nations are enslaved 
or destroyed. In this period of human progress slavery 
becomes a curse to all classes, and must cease, or end in 
disorder or, even, the destruction of society. 

Though the evil effects of slavery always manifest 
themselves so clearly in this period of progress and are 
cried out against by the just and the humane, the interests 
of property are usually paramount to the rights of man, 
and only the most enlightened nations have abolished 
slavery.* 

Only the political effects of slavery and its aid in the 
development of productive industry have been noticed 
here. The moral effects of the institution have been 
scarcely considered in the foregoing. While it must be 
admitted that politically slavery was indispensable in 
the early periods of social progress, in that productive 



OK 

SLAVERY IN AMERICA '^^ 

industry is wholly the result of it, it is true that its moral 
effects have always been debasing and disastrous, and 
equally so to the master and the slave. It always afforded 
unusual opportunities for the indulgence of the basest 
propensities of human nature.^ Another evil of slavery, 
more manifest to society than the preceding one, was the 
development of tyranny. Absolute rule — the exercise of 
absolute power — is ruinous to man's nature, and the ar- 
rogance and intolerance it develops in a class are always 
subversive of patriotism. It engenders and develops all 
the brutal tendencies of unrestrained human nature. 
Flattery is sought and vanity becomes characteristic. 
True conditions of moral life become obscured, society 
becomes distorted, and tendencies to decay and demorali- 
zation are hailed as signs of social and political progress. 
The rights of others are wholly disregarded, and this 
characteristic is carried into all intercourse with institu- 
tions and states. Constraint in even its mildest forms is 
irksome, — not to be endured or even thought of, — and the 
policy of the slave-owner comes to be expressed in two 
words — rule or 7-uin.^ Reason is dethroned and tyranny 
set on the throne in the temple of human liberty. The 
voice of protest is stifled and the right of free speech 
denied. In ancient times the sages commented on "the 
little humanity commonly observed in persons accustomed 
from their infancy to exercise so great authority over 
their fellow-creatures and to trample upon human nature. 
Nor can a more probable reason be assigTied for the 
severe, I might say, barbarous manners of ancient times 
than the practice of domestic slavery, by which every 
man of rank was rendered a petty tyrant, and educated 



26 JOHN RROwx 

amidst the flattery, submission, and low debasement of his 
slaves." "^ 

Slavery was' introduced into the Xew World by the 
Spaniards. They enslaved the natives, and in many 
places exterminated them by this barbarous system. 
Before the discovery of America (in 1492), the Portu- 
guese had bc£;un to enslave the Africans. One Antam 
Gonsalves captured some Moors while exploring the At- 
lantic coast of Africa, and carried them to his own country. 
Prince Henry the Navigator ordered them returned to 
their own land; and as a reward for this act of justice 
the Moors of that country gave Gonsalves ten negroes 
and some gold dust. Here was discovered by accident an 
opportunity for enterprise in a new field of commerce, and 
many Portuguese embraced it. Forts were built and 
manned along the Atlantic coast of Africa, to serve as 
bases for the slave trade. Prom these points many 
negroes were sent into Portugal and Spain, and their de- 
scendants were carried slaves to the Spanish and Portu- 
guese colonies in America. Early in the sixteenth cen- 
tury the King of Spain granted a patent to a favorite 
courtier, giving him the exclusive right to carry negro 
slaves to the West Indies. This patent allowed the im- 
portation of four thousand slaves per annum; it was sold 
to Genoese navigators, who procured their negroes from 
the Portuguese. The practice became from this time 
systematic, and was eagerly entered by many of the 
nations of Europe. The first Englishman to engage in 
this odious traffic was Captain John Hawkins, who 
amassed a great estate, and was knighted by Queen Eliza- 
beth. England had no colonies in America at that time, 



SLAVERY IN AMERICA 



27 



and Sir John's business was with the Spanish settlements. 
His manner of barter is said to have been somewhat arbi- 
trary. It is recorded of him that he would land with his 
human chattels at some unfortified town, train the cannon 
of his ships upon the principal buildings, and then de- 
mand that he be instantly paid so much for his human 
cargo. His conditions were complied with from necessity, 
and the bluff old Captain sailed away with great satisfac- 
tion.. 

Those portions of our country acquired from Spain, or 
some of them, contained slaves before the English planted 
colonies in America. But in 1620 a Dutch ship landed 
at Jamestown, in the colony of Virginia, with slaves 
obtained on the coast of Guinea. A part of this cargo 
was sold to the tobacco-planters of Virginia. The trade 
here commenced was carried into all the colonies of Great 
Britain in America; and in 1790 Virginia contained 
two hundred thousand negro slaves. 

The greatest men of England condemned the slave trade 
in the last half of the seventeenth century, and in 1772 
Lord Mansfield defined the legal status of an English 
slave in his famous decision rendered for the whole bench. 
He declared that "as soon as a slave set his foot on the 
soil of the British Islands he was free." 

The first action taken in England by an organization 
or body against the slave trade was had by the Quakers, 
who declared in their meeting of 1727 that it was a prac- 
tice "not to be commended or allowed." In 1761 they 
prohibited their members from engaging in it. They 
formed an association of their members in 1783 having 
for its object "the relief and liberation of the negro slaves 



28 



JOIIX BROW-V 



in the West Indies, and for the discoiirageraent of the 
slave-trade on the coast of Africa." The practice was not, 
however, abolished and prohibited by En<rland until 1811. 
Denmark was the first country to abolish the loathsome 
traffic; May 10, 1792, it was dcerord that it cease in the 
Danish possessions at tlio on<l of 1S02. 

The Quakers in Pennsylvania advocated tlie abolition 
of the slave-trade before those in Enghmd considered the 
question. Their first opposition to it was formulated in 
1696 ; and they continued to take advanced ground upon 
the subject until 1776, when they excluded slaveholders 
from membership in their society. The United States 
finally jirohibited the importation of slaves; the law was 
passed March 2(1, 18U7, to become cfFc^ctive January 1st, 
ISOS. 

Washington, Jefferson, Franklin, Madison, Hamilton, 
and many others of the founders of the Republic opposed 
slavery and saw in it the source of evil and trouble to 
our country. Jefferson was the most active of its eminent 
adversaries. In 1784: he proposed to the Continental 
Congress a plan of government for the territory included 
now in the States of Alabama, Mississippi, and Tennessee, 
in which it was provided that "after the year 1800 there 
shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in any 
of said States, otherwise than in punishment for crime." 
This humane and patriotic measure was lost. The conven- 
tion which met in Philadelphia in 1787 and formed our 
Constitution was opposed to slavery. The fathers of the 
Republic there assembled would have provided for its ex- 
tinction but for the States of South Carolina and Georgia. 
Both of these States, the latter probably at the instance 



SLAVEKY IJNT AMERICA 



29 



of the former, insisted upon its retention as a condition 
to their becoming members of the new Union. In the 
same year slavery had been excluded from the territory 
northwest of the Ohio river by the last Continental Con- 
gress. Slavery was gradually extinguished in the North.* 
Slavery having survived the establishment of the Re- 
public, it soon became aggressive. Its tenacious depravity 
was aided by many favorable circumstances. The in- 
fluences which augmented the increasing power of the 
slave-owners and slave States are marked in our national 
growth by (1) The acquisition of Louisiana, although the 
purchase was not made in the interest of slavery ; (2) The 
Missouri Compromise of 1820; (3) The annexation of 
Texas, in 1845; (4) The Fugitive Slave Law, slavery 
legalized in New Mexico, and the other measures of the 
Compromise of 1850; (5) The Kansas-Nebraska bill, 
1854; (6) The Ostend Manifesto, 1854; (7) The at- 
tempt to reopen the slave-trade, 1859-60.^ While the 
measures of 1854 were in the interest of slavery, 
they precipitated the conflict which ended in its ex- 
tinction. There were many subordinate causes for the 
growth of slavery, not the least of which was the 
invention of the cotton-gin by Whitney, the profits 
of which were almost all filched from him by the 
slave States. The South apostatized from the faith 
of Jefferson, and chiefly through the efforts of Calhoun. 
The tariff" was made the cause in 1828, when Calhoun de- 
clared that the resolutions of '98 inculcated the doctrine 
of secession as a remedy against obnoxious or unsatis- 
factory Federal laws. His construction was soon made 
applicable to slavery by Southern statesmen, who were 



30 JOHN BKOWN 

determined to make this institution the underlying prin- 
ciple of a league or cabal for the control of the Govern- 
ment. 

It is wonderful to realize the conipletcness of the infat- 
uation of the South with the institution of negro slavery. 
It is strange and seems almost incredible that the truth 
of history allows us to say that in this free land, up to 
1860, freedom of speech was absolutely prohibited in more 
than one-half of it. Yet such is the fact. 'So minister 
dared to lift up his voice there against slavery or any of 
its evil consequences. Sermons were always prepared to 
meet the approval of the slave-owners.^ ° Mob law and 
such punishments as burning at the stake were advo- 
cated by the aristocratic press of the South as suitable 
for those who opposed their institution on its own ground." 
The non-slaveholding whites were terrorized and brutally 
hung without trial.^^ Many persons of Northern birth 
were put to death in the South upon mere suspicion and 
without even mob trial. The Government mails were 
rifled and anti-slavery literature seized and publicly 
burned by the clergy and prominent men in public assem- 
bly. The Eev. Elijah P. Lovejoy was slain in Alton, 
Illinois, and anti-abolition riots occurred in many North- 
ern cities, including Boston. Never in our history have 
the arrogance and intolerance of the slave-power been 
equaled. It was boasted that the masters would again call 
the rolls of their slaves in the shadow of the Bunker Hill 
monument. Public moneys were embezzled and purloined 
to buy newspapers to speak for slavery.^^ It was asserted 
that could Washington have returned to life he would 
have been mobbed in Virginia.'* A lawyer sent from 



SLAVEEY IN AMERICA 31 

Massachusetts to South Carolina to perform a mission 
for the State was forced to depart from Charleston after 
a mob had been for days warning him to quit the city ; he 
and his daughter were forcibly placed in a carriage, driven 
to the wharf, placed on a boat and sent away.^^ Slavery 
was carried into our foreign relations, and we stood in 
the eyes of the world what we in fact were — a slave 
Nation.i^ At the close of the Missouri struggle in 1820 
a Governmental policy was formulated which prevented 
the North from reaping any advantage accruing from that 
Compromise. The arable portion of the country north of 
the Compromise line in the Louisiana Purchase was as- 
signed to emigrant tribes of Indians, to be by them held 
"as long as grass grows or water runs." As opposed to 
this policy for the North, Texas was annexed to afford 
slavery a field for expansion. Cuba was coveted, and the 
slave-power committed the Government to its acquisition. 
The Mexican war brought vast territory to slavery ; and as 
a last resort the Compromise was repealed. The supreme 
tribunal of the land was made the ally of slavery, and 
announced that the institution could not be excluded by 
law from any territory in the United States. Slavery 
dominated the Government; up to 1860 the South had 
held the Presidency forty-eight years — more than two- 
thirds of the time to 1860 — eleven of sixteen terms. The 
South had seventeen of the twenty-eight Justices of the 
Supreme Court, fourteen of the nineteen Attorneys- 
General, sixty-one of the seventy-seven Presidents of the 
Senate, twenty-one of the thirty-three Speakers of the 
House, and eighty of the one hundred and thirty-four 
Foreign Ministers. 



32 



JOHN BKOWN 



Nature never made a fairer country nor a more fertile 
one than that portion of the United States south of Mason 
and Dixon's line. No material natural resource is want- 
ing. Gold, silver, lead, zinc, copper, iron, coal, oil, build- 
ing-stone, timber, natural gas, water-power, fertile soil, 
beautiful and grand scenery, a healthful and pleasant cli- 
mate, navigable rivers in great abundance, and an ocean 
line of remarkable extent, — all these invited for the South 
an industrial development second to no other equal area 
on the globe. At the time of the adoption of the Federal 
Constitution the South was the most populous portion of 
the Union, and, too, the most prosperous and wealthy. 
In 1790 Virginia contained 748,308 inhabitants and Xew 
York but 340,120. The census for 1850 showed 3,097,394 
for New York and 1,421,6G1 for Virginia. Commerce 
made a similar transfer of preponderance. In 1791 the 
exports of Virginia amounted to $3,130,865, while those 
of New York were only $2,505,465. The figures in 1852 
were, for New York $87,484,456, and for Virginia, $2,- 
724,657, a decrease of $406,208 from the amount for the 
year 1791.^'^ The comparisons between Massachusetts anil 
North Carolina, Pennsylvania and South Carolina, show 
even greater paralysis and stagnation in those Southern 
States and the same vigor and progress in the correspond- 
ing Northern States. No manufactures were established 
in the South ;^^ in fact, they were discouraged; by public 
sentiment, prohibited. ^^ 

Not alone did slavery blight agi'iculture and commerce 
in the South. Where the foot of the slave pressed it the 
soil was accursed. In 1850 the value of land in New 
Jersey was $28.76 per acre; in South Carolina, consid- 



SLAVERY IN AMEEICA 33 

ered the queen of the slave States, the value of land in the 
same year was one dollar and thirty-two cents per acre, 
and almost the same proportion prevailed between the 
other I^orthern and Southern States.^" 

The slaveholders were always a great minority of the 
white population of the South; hut they succeeded in 
overriding and debasing the non-slaveholding whites to 
that degree that they were eliminated from any participa- 
tion in public affairs. No schools were provided, and so 
ignorant and sodden became the "poor whites" that they 
were held in contempt by even the slaves. This condition 
existed in all portions of the South, except what may be 
termed Appalachian America. Here there was a hardy 
people imbued with the principles of liberty, and who 
bitterly hated slavery. When the opportunity came they 
fought for its destruction, and they have never been in 
sympathy with the slave portion of the South. The South- 
ern planters sold their own children by slave mothers into 
slavery, and the knowledge of this fact brought no dis- 
grace. Indeed, it secured honor; for Kichard M. John- 
son, of Kentucky, was elected Vice-President of the United 
States after it was publicly known that many of his chil- 
dren were slaves.^^ Wendell Phillips said: "Virginia is 
only another Algiers. The barbarous horde who gag each 
other, imprison women for teaching children to read, pro- 
hibit the Bible, sell men on the auction-block, abolish 
marriage, condemn half their women to prostitution, and 
devote themselves to the breeding of human beings for 
sale, is only a larger and blacker Algiers." 

It will be asked why slavery was permitted and so 
fiercely fought for as to lead men to look to a dissolution 



34 



JOIIX BROWN 



of the Union in order to perpetuate it, if it was so great 
an evil. Slavery benefitted the individual slave-owners. 
Through it they seized all political power where the in- 
stitution existed ; they were the landholders, ministers, 
merchants, and planters. By their insolent intolerance 
they moulded the sentiment of the South, and there it was 
made to favor the institution with a unanimity remark- 
able, and never before surpassed in any part of any country 
on any subject. They cared nothinj? for the general decay 
of their country so long as they fhmrished individually.-- 
Their white non-slaveholding neiirhburs increased enor- 
mously, but there was nothing for them to follow in the 
way of honorable calling, and there existed no schools for 
their children; but this was brutally disregarded, for to 
their own children would fall slaves to cultivate the soil, 
and an education in Xorthern colleges. They utterly 
ignored and disregarded that axiom of republican govern- 
ments, that the injury to one is the injury of the whole. 
In the South violence was done to the rights of a vast 
majority of tlie people, and this violence benefitted a 
class upon which it finally reacted morally, and the reac- 
tion destroyed the institution by which the wrong existed. 
Every law is the result of some social instinct in the 
nature of man. What conflicts with his nature and social 
instinct cannot long remain a law. As man is the only 
animal endowed with any considerable degree of reason, 
he is the only animal in which different environment and 
degrees of progress beget variety and modification in in- 
stinct to an appreciable degree. Progress in man modifies 
his social instinct, and this modification makes social ad- 
vancement possible — necessary — imperative, Man will 



SLAVERY IN AMERICA 



36 



battle in one age to throw off and rise above what cost blood 
and treasure in a preceding age. There is no stationary 
ground for man socially, morally, or mentally; he must 
advance, to avoid retrocession. Institutions suited to one 
condition of society become the bane and destruction of a 
higher condition. Governments that do not learn and 
heed this law perish from the earth. We may see this 
exemplified in the tendencies of our own country under 
slavery. We founded a free government — a republican 
democracy — with slavery as an institution, an institution 
so alien to our Declaration of Independence and all our 
avowed principles and recognized tenets, that only the 
patriotism developed in our people by the War of the Kevo- 
lution enabled us to survive for even a short time. In the 
generation succeeding the Kevolutionary fathers, the poison 
manifested itself in symptoms of some violence. Before 
1850 the decadence of the Kepublic was plainly visible; 
and between 1850 and 1860 the Government was a slave 
oligarchy. From the time of the beginning of the Admin- 
istration of Jackson the nationality of the country and the 
sentiment of the people for the Union feU into a rapid 
and almost fatal decline. This may be said to have begun 
with the adoption of the Missouri Compromise. It took 
civil war to save us; that cleared away falsehoods and 
gave us a true conception of what our Union means. It 
righted us about, and from the devious paths through the 
quagmires of nullification. State-rights, human bondage, 
and secession, brought us to the solid highway of liberty 
and nationality. Von Hoist finds slavery in a democratic 
republic to be such a political inconsistency as could only 
end in violent revolution. 



36 



JOHN BEOWN 



The opposition to slavery in the early days of the Kepub- 
lic was of the type which tolerated it while recognizing its 
evils and its dangers to free institutions. The fathers of 
our country were opposed to it,^^ but they feared to take 
action looking to its extinction: that step might have pre- 
vented the formation of a more perfect Union. They con- 
tented themselves with leaving to posterity their recorded 
convictions, and the hope that time would set right what 
they could not then with safety undertake. Their action 
was the choice of the least of two evils. 

No direct anti-slavery movement, or even advocate, was 
anywhere found in our country until about the year 1815. 
A New Jersey Quaker named Benjamin Lundy organized 
the "Union Humane Society" in Wheeling, Virginia, in 
that year. So much engrossed with his Avork in this field 
did he become that he spent his life in it. He founded 
papers for the exposition of his views. He organized anti- 
slavery societies in the South in 1824, principally among 
the Quakers there, and visited Hayti in 1825 in the interest 
of his work. He was followed by William Lloyd Garrison, 
who was the most radical and impracticable of all the 
opponents of slavery ; many opponents of the institution 
could not agree with him in either method or sentiment."* 
A "Liberty party" arose, composed of men who believed 
the Federal Constitution was in spirit anti-slavery. They 
supported only such men as were in favor of "liberty for 
all," and were the most practical and effective in their 
work against slavery, of the Northern " parties." There 
were many organizations formed in the North having for 
their purpose agitation against the further extension of 
slavery, not so radical as the "Garrisonians" nor so liberal 



SLAVEEY IN AMERICA 



37 



as the "Liberal party." They were never independently 
nor collectively of sufficient strength to materially influence 
public sentiment, and served more to indicate the growing 
discontent with the institution than as a means to its aboli- 
tion. The agitation commenced in the iSTorth by Lundy, 
and carried forward by those "societies" and "parties," 
bore fruit in later years. There began to be a conservative 
and independent element there that grew steadily and took 
a practical view of the situation; they did not separate 
themselves from existing parties, but sought the election 
of such men as they believed would turn every favorable 
incident to advantage and work consistently against the 
further extension of slavery. Of this great body such men 
as Lincoln, Greeley, and Giddings were leaders ; their 
adherents constantly increased in numbers and influence, 
and finally in the development of events, and, fired by the 
martyrdom of John Brown, they arose in their might and 
accomplished the redemption and purification of our coun- 
try.25 

By slaveholders everywhere in the South these people, 
"societies" and "parties" were called "abolitionists" indis- 
criminately. Ko distinctions were made; and the people 
there were taught that these iN'orthern opponents of slavery 
were in hostility to the Christian religion and the Federal 
Constitution, and were deserving of death. In the South it 
was taught that ISTorthern society was founded on free-love 
principles, and the text-books spoke of Northern "childless 
wives," "old maids," and "divorced women" as constitut- 
ing the female part of the population. The men of the 
North were spoken of as cowardly, hypocritical, mercenary, 
and meddlesome; it was taught and believed that one 



38 JOHN BEOWN 

Southern man could easily put six "Yankees" to flight, 
and that Northern men would never fight the aggressions 
of slavery if it came to blows. The Democratic party 
stood as the champion of slavery, and from a national 
became a sectional party, seeking the supremacy of the 
•' institution," or, in the event of failure in that, a sepa- 
ration from the Xorth by means of secession. The odium 
which it cast upon the workers for the confinement of 
slavery to its bounds as fixed by the terms of the Missouri 
Compromise had its eflFect and influence in the North, and 
many persons who really favored freedom were deterred 
by it from identifying themselves with the advocates of 
liberty. 

Up to 1854 the abolition movement had accomplished 
little of practical benefit. Public sentiment was being 
slowly aroused — very slowly ; the minister who preached 
the funeral sermon of John Brown in 1859 was driven 
from his charge. In the face of all the agitation and 
theory the slave-power constantly extended its prestige and 
influence. It had cause to be encouraged, and felt strong 
enough to undertake the removal of the last barrier which 
stood between it and the unsettled portion of the United 
States. In this spirit it triumphantly entered upon the 
repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and in the accomplish- 
ment of this purpose it stood in exultation on the ruins of 
the temporizing measures devised to prohibit the intro- 
duction of slaves into the Territories. 

But it has often happened in this world that the exultant 
cry of victory and defiance was the voice that aroused 
the latent energies of a nation to a more desperate resist- 
ance. It proved so in this case. Theory and agitation 
had failed. It now came to blows in Kansas. 



SLAVERY IN AMEEICA 39 

Note 1. — Eousseau, The Social Contract; article, Slavery. 



Note 2. — Rousseau, The Social Contract; article, Slavery. 



Note 3. — J. K. Ingram, in Enc. Brit.; article, Slavery, which 
the student should carefully read. Acknowledgment is here made 
for use of some of the ideas contained in it. 



Note 4. — The property interests have always raised up defenders 
of wrongful acts against man and society. Thus, Rousseau's arti- 
cle on Slavery is principally a refutation of the contention of the 
writers of his time that slavery is justifiable. He says: "Grotius 
and others find in war another origin of the pretended right of 
slavery. The conqueror having, according to them, the right to 
kill the conquered, the latter can buy back his life at the expense 
of his liberty; an agreement the more legitimate as it turns to 
the profit of both. But it is clear that this pretended right to 
kill the conquered, results in no way from the state of war. 
From the fact alone, that men, living in their primitive inde- 
pendence, have not among themselves relations sufficiently perma- 
nent to constitute either the state of peace or war, they are not 
naturally enemies. It is the relation of things and not of men 
that constitutes war; and as it is impossible for war to arise from 
simple personal relations, but only from property relations, pri- 
vate war, or war between man and man, can exist neither in 
the state of nature, where there is no permanent property, nor in 
the social state, where all is under the authority of the laws." 

Note 5. — This feature of the horrible results in the United States 
is now entering our literature. Mr. Opie Read's novel, "My Young 
Master," is founded upon such an incident. That many slave- 
owners sold their own children by slave mothers into the deepest 
degradation slavery could produce, is too well known to need elab- 
oration or proof. 

Note 6. — In Mr. Read's novel, "The Jueklins," the aristocratic 
old slaveholder is represented as refraining from killing Mr. Juck- 
lin for defeating him in a wrestling bout only because there was 
present no spectator to witness his imaginary disgrace from having 
had "his back wallowed in the sand" by Mr. Jucklin, who was not 
a slave-owner. 

NoTB 7.— Hume. 



40 



JOHN BROWN 



Note 8. — The Census of 1850 has the following: 

"In Pennsylvania slavery was abolished in 1780. In New Jersey 
it was provisionally abolished in 1784; all children born of a slave 
after 1804 are made free in 1820. In Massachusetts it was de- 
clared after the Revolution that slavery was virtually abolished 
by the Constitution (17S0). In 17S4 and 1797, Connecticut pro- 
vided for the ffradual extinction of slavery. In Rhode Island, after 
1784, no person could be born a slave. The Constitutions of Ver- 
mont and New Hampshire, respectively, abolished slavery. In New 
York it was provisionally abolished in 1709, twenty-eisjht years' 
ownership beinp allowed in slaves born after that date; and in 1817 
it was enacted that slavery was not to exist alter ten years, or 1827. 
The Ordinance of 1787 forbade slavery in thj Territory Northwest 
of the Ohio river." 

The above authoritative statement of the dates of the abolition 
of slavery in the Northern States cfTectually refutes the oft-repeated 
statement of Southern men, that the North, having found slavery 
unprofitable, sold her slaves to the South and immediately began 
a crusade for their emancipation. 



Note 9. — The limits set for this paper will not permit us to 
discuss these various measures of the slave-power designed to retain 
or increase the prestige of slavery and slaveholders. Their full 
discussion belongs to the general history of the country. They are 
all briefly and excellently treated in the first volume of Greeley's 
"American Conflict." 



Note 10. — "Let your emissaries cross the Potomac," writes the 
Rev. T. S. Witherspoon from Alabama to the Emancipator, "and 
I can promise you that their fate will be no less than Haman's." — 
Oreelei/'s "Avicrican Conflict," p. 128. 



Note 11. — At a public meeting convened in the church in the town 
of Clinton, Mississippi, September 5, 1833, it was — 

"■Resolved, That it is our decided opinion that any individual 
who dares to circulate, with a view to eilectuate the dtsigus of th<.- 
Abolitionists, any of the incendiary tracts or newspapers now in 
the course of transmission to this country, is justly worthy, in the 
sight of God and man, of immediate death; and we doubt not that 
such would be the punishment of any such offender, in any part of 
the State of Mississippi where he may be found." 



SLAVEEY IN AMERICA 



41 



"The cry of the whole South should be death — instant death — 
to the Abolitionist, wherever he is caught." — Augusta (Ga.) Chron- 
icle. 

"We can assure the Bostonians, one and all, who have embarked 
in the nefarious scheme of abolishing slavery at the South, that 
lashes will hereafter be spared to the backs of their emissaries. 
Let them send out their men to Louisiana ; they will never return 
to tell their sufferings, but they shall expiate the crime of interfer- 
ing with our domestic institutions by being burned AT THE STAKE." 
— New Orleans True American. 

"Abolition editors in Slave States will not dare to avow their 
opinions. It would be instant death to them." — Missouri Argus. 

And Mr. Preston, of South Carolina, who once delivered a speech 
at Columbia in reference to a proposed railroad, in which he 
despondingly drew a forcible contrast between the energy, enter- 
prise, knowledge and happiness of the North, and the inertia, indi- 
gence, and decay of the South, in the U. S. Senate afterward de- 
clared : 

"Let an Abolitionist come within the borders of South Carolina, 
if we can catch him we will try him, and, notwithstanding all the 
interference of all the governments of the earth, including the Fed- 
eral Government, we will hang him." — N. Y. Journal of Commerce, 
June 6, 1838. 

All this note is quoted from Greeley's "American Conflict," p. 128, 
notes 7 and 8. 



Note 12. — "In 1835, a suspicion was aroused in Madison county, 
Mississippi, that a conspiracy for a slave insurrection existed. 
Five negroes were first hung; then five white men. The pamphlet 
put forth by their mob-murderers shows that there was no real 
evidence against any of them, — that their lives were sacrificed to 
a cowardly panic, which would not be appeased without bloodshed. 
The whites were hung at an hour's notice, protesting their inno- 
cence to the last. And this is but one case out of many such. 
In a panic of this kind, every non-slaveholder who ever said a 
kind word or did a humane act for a negro is a doomed man." — 
Greeley's "American Conflict," p. 128, note 9. 



Note 13. — "From whose hands did this man receive fifty thousand 
dollars — improperly, if not illegally, taken from the public funds 
in Washington? When did he receive it? — and for what purpose? — 
and who was the arch-demagogue through whose agency the trans- 



42 JOHN BROWN 

fer was made? He was an oligarchical member of the Cabinet under 
Mr. Polk's administration in 184.3, and the money was used — and 
who can doubt intended f — for the express purpose of establishing 
another negro-driving journal to support the tottering fortunes 
of slavery. From the second volume of a valuable political work, 
'by a Senator of thirty years,' we make the following pertinent 
extract: 

"'The Olobe was sold, and was paid for, and how? becomes a 
question of public concern to answer; for it was paid out of public 
money — those same $50,000 which were removed to the village 
bank in the interior of Pennsylvania by a Treasury order on the 
fourth of November, 1844. Three annual installments made the 
payment, and the Treasury did not reclaim the mom-y for these 
three years; and, tlunigh traveling through tortuous channels, the 
pharpsighted Mr. Rives trnctd the money back to its starting-point 
from the tleposit. Hcsides, Mr. Cameron, who had control of the 
village bank, admitted before a committee of Congress, that he had 
furnished money for the payments — an admission which the obliging 
committee, on request, left out of their report Mr. Robert J. 
Walker was Secretary of the Treasury during these three years, 
and the conviction was absolute, among the close observers of the 
course of things, that he was the prime contriver and zealous man- 
ager of the arrangements which displaced Mr. Ulair and installed 
Mr. Ritchie.' 

"Thus, if we are to believe Mr. Benton, in his 'Thirty Years* 
View.' and we are disposed to regard him as good authority, the 
Washington Union was brought into existence under the peculiar 
auspices of the ostensible editor of the Richmond Enquirer." — "The 
Impending Crisis," Helper, p. lOJ^. 



Note 14. — "If the great founders of the Republic, Washington, 
Jefferson, Henry, and others, could be reinvested with corporeal 
life, and returned to the South, there is scarcely a slaveholder be- 
tween the Potomac and the mouth of the Mississippi that would 
not burn to pounce upon them with bludgeons, bowie-knives and 
pistols! Yes, without adding another word, Washington would be 
mobbed for what he has already said. Were Jefferson now em- 
ployed as a professor in a Southern college, he would be dismissed 
and driven from the State, perhaps murdered before he reached 
the border. If Patrick Henry were a bookseller in Alabama, though 
it might be demonstrated beyond the shadow of a doubt that he 
never bought, sold, received, or presented any kind of literature 
except Bibles and Testaments, he would first be subjected to the 
ignominy of a coat of tar and feathers, and then limited to the 



SLAVERY IN AMEEICA 



43 



option of unceremonious expatriation or death." — "The Impending 
Crisis," Helper, p. 188. 

Note 15. — Greeley's "American Conflict," p. 178. Samuel Hoar 
was sent by the Governor of Massachusetts to investigate the im- 
prisonment of her sailors by South Carolina. These seamen were 
free negroes, and they were seized in the ports of South Carolina 
and sold into bondage in some instances, though they were usually 
imprisoned and fined and compelled to pay the costs of suits. 
Mr. Hoar was driven out of Charleston. 



Note 16. — See Greeley's "American Conflict," p. 175. 



Note 17. — "It may be painful, but nevertheless, profitable, to 
recur occasionally to the history of the past; to listen to the ad- 
monitions of experience, and learn lessons of wisdom from the 
effects and actions of those who have preceded us in the drama 
of human life. The records of former days show that at a period 
not very remote, Virginia stood preeminently the first commercial 
State in the Union; when her commerce exceeded in amount that 
of all the New England States combined; when the city of Norfolk 
owned more than one hundred trading-ships, and her direct foreign 
trade exceeded that of the city of New York, now the center of trade 
and the great emporium of North America. At the period of the 
War of Independence, the commerce of Virginia was four times 
larger than that of New York." — Ooveinor Wise, quoted by Helper 
in "The Impending Crisis," p. 16. 



Note 18. — "We want Bibles, brooms, buckets and books, and we 
go to the North; we want shoes, hats, handkerchiefs, umbrellas, 
and pocket-knives, and we go to the North; we want pens, ink, 
paper, wafers, and envelopes, and we go to the North; we want 
furniture, crockery, glassware and pianos, and we go North; we 
want toys, primers, school books, fashionable apparel, machinery, 
medicines, tombstones, and a thousand other things, and we go to 
the North for them all. Instead of keeping our money in circula- 
tion at home, by patronizing our own mechanics, manufacturers, 
and laborers, we send it all away to the North, and there it re- 
mains; it never falls into our hands again. ... 



44 



JOHN BROWN 



"In infancy we are swaddled in Northern muslin; in childhood 
we are humored with Northern gewgaws; in youth we are in- 
structed out of Nortliern books; at the age of maturity we sow 
our 'wild oats' on Northern soil ; in middle life we exhaust our 
wealth, energies and talents in the dishonorable vocation of en- 
tailing our dependence on our children and our children's children, 
and, to the neglect of our own interests and the interests of those 
around us, in giving aid and succor to every department of North- 
ern power; in the decline of life we remedy our eyesight with 
Northern spectacles, and support our infirmities with Northern 
canes; in old age we are drugged with Northern physic, and, 
finally, when we die, our inanimate bodies, shrouded in Northern 
cambric, are stretched upon the bier, born to the grave in a North- 
ern carriage, entombed with a Northern spado, and memorized with 
a Northern slah."— "The Impending Crisis," Helper, p. 22. 

From the same, p. 47 : 

"Food from the North, for man or for beast, or for both, is for 
sale in every market in the South. Even in the most insignificant 
little villages in the interior of the slave States, where books, 
newspapers and other mediums of intelligence are unknown, where 
poor whites and the negroes are alike bowed down in heathenish 
ignorance and barbarism, and where the news is received but once 
a week, and then only in a Northern-built stage-coach, drawn by 
horses in Northern harness, in charge of a driver dressed cap-a-pie 
in Northern habiliments, and with a Northern whip in his hand, — 
the agricultural products of the North, either crude, prepared, 
pickled or preserved, are ever to be found." 

In the same work, p. 90, Governor Wise is quoted as follows: 
" Commerce has long ago spread her sails and sailed away from 
you. You have not, as yet, dug more than coal enough to warm 
yourselves at your own hearths; you have set no tilt-hammers of 
Vulcan to strike blows worthy of gods in your own iron-foundries; 
you have not yet spun more than coarse cotton enough, in the way 
of manufacture, to clothe your own slaves. You have no commerce, 
no mining, no manufactures. You have relied alone on the single 
power of agriculture, and such agriculture! Your sedge-patches 
outshine the sun. Your inattention to your only source of wealth 
has seared the very bosom of Mother Earth. Instead of having to 
feed cattle on a thousand hills, you have to chase a stump-tailed 



SLAVERY IN AMERICA 46 

steer through the sedge-patches to procure a tough beefsteak. The 
present condition of things has existed too long in Virginia. The 
landlord has skinned the tenant, and the tenant has skinned the 
land, until all have grown poor together." 



Note 19. — "In the year 1836 or 1837 the Hon. Abbott Lawrence, 
of Boston, backed by his brother Amos and other millionaires of 
New England, went down to Richmond with the sole view of re- 
connoitering the manufacturing facilities of that place, — fully deter- 
mined, if pleased with the water-power, to erect a large number of 
cotton-mills and machine-shops. He had been in the capital of 
Virginia only a day or two before he discovered, much to his gratifi- 
cation, that nature had shaped everything to his liking; and as he 
was a business man who transacted business in a business-like 
manner, he lost no time in making preliminary arrangements for 
the consummation of his noble purpose. . . . 

"To the enterprising and moneyed descendant of the Pilgrim 
Fathers it was a matter of no little astonishment, that the im- 
mense water-power of Richmond had been so long neglected. He 
expressed his surprise to a number of Virginians, and was at a 
loss to know why they had not, long prior to the period of his 
visit amongst them, availed themselves of the powerful element 
that is eternally gushing and foaming over the falls of James river. 
Innocent man! He was utterly unconscious of the fact that he 
was 'interfering with the beloved institutions of the South,' and 
little was he prepared to withstand the terrible denunciations that 
were immediately showered on his head througn the columns of 
the Richmond Enquirer. Few words will suflEice to tell the sequel. 
That negro-worshipping sheet, whose hireling policy, for the last 
four-and-twenty years, has had to support the worthless black 
slave and his tyrannical master at the expense of the free white 
laborer, wrote down the enterprise! and the noble son of New 
England, abused, insulted and disgusted, quietly returned to Massa- 
chusetts, and there employed his capital in building up the cities 
of Lowell and Lawrence." — "The Impending Crisis," Helper, p. 107. 



Note 20. — "In traversing that county, [Madison county, Ala- 
bama,] one will discover numerous farm-houses, once the abode of 
industrious and intelligent freemen, now occupied by , slaves, or 
tenantless, deserted and dilapidated; he will observe fields, once 



46 JOHN BROWN 

fertile, now unfenced, abandoned, and covered with those evil har- 
bingers, fox-tail and broom-sedge; he will see the moss growing 
on the mouldering walls of once thrifty villages, and will find 
'one only master grasps the whole domain,' that once furnished 
happy homes for a dozen white families. Indeed, a country in 
its infancy, where fifty years ago scarce a forciit tree hud been 
felled by the axe of the pioneer, is already exhibiting the painful 
signs of senility and decay. The soil itself soon sickens and dies 
beneath the unnatural tread of the slave. 

"Such are the agricultural achievements of slave labur; such are 
the results of 'the sum of all villainies.' The diabolical institution 
subsists on its own flesh. At one time children are sold to procure 
food for the parents, at another, parents are sold to procure foo<l 
for the children. Within its pestilential atmospliere, nothing suc- 
ceeds; progress and prosperity are unknown; inanition and sloth- 
fulness ensue; everything becomes dull, dismal and unprofitable; 
wretchedness and desolation run riot throughout the land; an aspect 
of most melancholy inactivity and dilapidation broods over every 
city and town; ignorance and prejudice sit enthroned over the 
minds of the people; usurping despots wield the sceptre of power; 
everywhere, and in everything, between Delaware Bay and the Gulf 
of Mexico, are the multitudinous evils of slavery apparent." — "jT/ie 
Impending Crisis," Helper, pp. 56, 57. 



Note 21. — Greeley's "American Conflict," p. 136. 



Note 22. — "Oligarchical politicians are alone responsible for the 
continuance of African slavery in the South. For purposes of self- 
aggrandizement, they have kept learning and civilization from the 
people; they have willfully misinterpreted the national compacts, 
and have outraged their own consciences by declaring to their illiter- 
ate constituents that the founders of the Republic were not Abo- 
litionists." — "The Impending Crisis." Helper, p. 189. 



Note 23. — Washington said in a letter to John F. Mercer, Sep- 
tember 9, 17S6: 

"I never mean, unless some particular circumstances should com- 
pel me to it. to possess another slave by purchase, it being among 
my first icishes to see some plan adopted by which slavery, in this 
country, may be abolished by law." 



SLAVERY IN AMERICA 



47 



General Washington made many similar expressions, and manu- 
mitted his slaves in his will. 

In his Notes on Virginia, Jefferson says: 

"With the morals of a people their industry is also destroyed; 
for, in a warm climate, no man will labor for himself who can 
make another labor for him. This is so true, that of the proprietors 
of slaves a very small proportion, indeed, are ever seen to labor. 
And can the liberties of a nation be thought secure, when we 
have removed their only firm basis — a conviction in the minds of 
the people that their liberties are the gift of God? that they 
are not to be violated but with His wrath ? Indeed, I tremble for my 
country when I reilect that God is just; that His justice cannot 
sleep forever." 

Mr. Jefferson uttered much more than this against slavery. 
Nothing stronger than the Declaration of Independence has ever 
been written, and the preamble to that instrument is a declaration 
for liberty. 

Patrick Henry says: 

"It would rejoice my very soul, that every one of my fellow- 
beings was emancipated. We ought to, lament and deplore the neces- 
sity of holding our fellow-men in bondage. Believe me, I shall 
honor the Quakers for their noble eflorts to abolish slavery." 

John Randolph, of Roanoke, said: 

"Sir, I envy neither the heart nor the head of that man from 
the North w'ho rises here to defend slavery on principle." 

He emancipated his slaves by will, in which he said: "I give to 
my slaves their freedom, to which my conscience tells me they are 
justly entitled." 

Madison, Mason, Marshall, Boiling, Blair, Benton, and many 
other Southern patriots were against slavery. Franklin, Jay, and 
many of the most eminent statesmen of what were later called the 
free States were opposed to slavery in the convention which formed 
our Constitution. 



Note 24. — His attitude was expressed thus: "The Federal Consti- 
tution is a covenant with death and an agreement with hell." 



Note 25. — Read "The Rise and Progress of Abolition," in The 
American Conflict, by Greeley, Vol. I, p. 107, and followinor. 



CHAPTER II. 

THE POLITICAL BEGINNINGS OF KANSAS. 



We cross the prairies as of old 

The fathers crossed the sea, 
To make the West, as they the East, 

The homestead of the free. 
We go to plant the common school 

On distant prairie swells. 
And give the Sabbaths of the wilds 

The music of her bells. 
Upbearinpr. like the ark of God, 

The Bible in our van. 
We go to test the truth of God 

Against the fraud of man. 

— Whit tier. 

The " Platte Country " was so called from some time 
perhaps as remote as the Missouri Compromise. It 
stretched from the Indian Territory and the Missouri river 
to the summit of the Pocky Mountains and to the borders 
of British America. The name came from the great river 
crossing it from west to east to add its turbid waters to 
the yellow flood of the Missouri.^ It was in 1850 a vast 
plain covered with Indian tribes and buffalo — the home of 
wild men and wild animals. White men were prohibited 
from settling on this portion of the public domain, and 
the fairest and most fertile land in the West remained 
a waste. But, although without civilization, the land was 
well known. Great and ancient highways traveled these 

(48) 



THE POLITICAL BEGINISUXGS OF KANSAS 



49 



boundless plains. One followed the Platte up to that de- 
pression in the great mountain-chain known as South 
Pass ; here it divided, and separated into two ways. One 
of these followed western waters down to the Great Salt 
Lake Yalley, and from thence across the burning sand- 
wastes, over plains of sage, cactus and grease-wood, up 
mountain ranges till the clouds v/ere below, and down 
golden waters to the fair valleys of California. The other 
branch followed over rocky fastnesses, along and across 
deep and winding rivers, into wilderness wastes, over 
ragged and lava-scorched mountains to the green valley 
of the Willamette, in Oregon, and down the mighty Co- 
lumbia to the shores of the Pacific ocean. The other 
"ancient way" was the "Old Santa Fe Trail," famous in 
romance and song, and leading from the mouth of the 
Kansas river across the plains and through the mountains 
to the land of the Montezumas. Along these plains high- 
ways rolled a commerce; the migration of the Mormons 
and the discovery of gold in California sent over them 
mighty streams of humanity. 

By the Missouri Compromise the " Platte Country " 
was dedicated and set apart to human liberty ; it was never 
to be polluted nor pressed by the foot of the slave. For 
this reason the Government, in the hands of the slave- 
owners, had removed it from the roll of lands upon which 
the people might enter and build homes. This removal 
was effected with plausibility; the land was assigned to 
tribes of eastern Indians^ who held it by virtue of solemn 
treaties which guaranteed that neither they nor the tracts 
by them occupied should ever become part of any State 
or Territory to be organized by the United States. But so 

—4 



50 JOIIX BKOWN 

absurd became this poliev of prohibition that even the 
Indians came to oppose it. In 1S52 thev began tlie agita- 
tion for the removal of restrictions whieii resulted in the 
formation of a provisional government for the country, 
which thej called Nebraska. Clamor for the removal of 
the restrictions resulted, and the representatives of the 
provisional government knocked for admission to tho hulls 
of Congress.^ The pressure of home-seekers upon tho 
borders of the beautiful and forbidden land became tre- 
mendous. Public sentiment, led hy the owners of the soil, 
was fast coming to demand that the country be opened to 
settlement. Tliis sentiment was not confined to the free 
States; the people of some of the slave States, Missouri 
especially, were eager to have permission to establish them- 
selves on the fair and fertile plains of Nebraska. On this 
account the provisional government received encourage- 
ment from that portion of the Missouri people reposing 
confidence in the leadership of Senator Benton. But as 
there was no available tract of country in that portion of 
the unsettled public domain surrendered to slavery to bo 
opened to settlement to counterbalance the " Platte Coun- 
try " should the restrictions to its settlement Ijo removed, 
to allow its organization would be giving an advantage to 
freedom. By the Missouri Compromise this land right- 
fully belonged to the principles of freedom, and had been 
relin(]uislicd by the advocates of slavery thirty years be- 
fore ; but it was resolved to now make an effort to regain 
at least a portion of the domain then lost. 

A new tenet had been recognized in the compromise of 
1S50 ; it permitted the people of a Territory applying for 
admission as a State to determine for themselves the nature 



THE POLITICAL BEGIXNIXGS OF KANSAS 51 

of their institutions, and to legalize or prohibit slavery as 
they might choose. When the Nebraska question came up 
for discussion the slave-power contended that this principle 
abrogated the Missouri Compromise. The bills for the 
organization of Nebraska Tcrritoiy were cast aside, and a 
bill providing for the formation of two Territories from the 
domain of the " Platte Country " was substituted for them. 
This bill declared the Missouri Compromise inoperative 
and void, and affirmed the application of the principle of 
the compromise of 1850 to the proposed Territories in 
explicit terms. The struggle was long and bitter, and no 
less, so in Congress than in the country at large. The 
South was properly charged with bad faith, and the matter 
was discussed by every newspaper in the land — by citizens 
in private walks and in public assemblies. Ministers ev- 
erywhere made it the subject of sermons — often objurga- 
tory and vituperative in the North, always complimentary 
and commendatory in the South. But in the struggle the 
South had the advantage ; she was perfectly united, and 
by seizing upon the personal ambitions and demagogical 
propensities of Northern politicians created and main- 
tained a considerable sentiment in its favor in that part 
of our country where slavery was abhorred. She had 
looked forward to this very contingency, and fortified her- 
self in the White House ; Pierce was compelled to commit 
himself without reserve to the policy declared in the 
Kansas-Nebraska bill, in order to attain the Presidency.^ 
It was with great satisfaction, therefore, that he approved 
the Kansas-Nebraska bill on the 30th day of May, 1854. 
The result of this struggle was despondency in the North 
and exultation in the South. Slavery regarded the vie- 



62 JOHN BKOWX 

torv won as in fact a compromise on the same lines gov- 
erning the admission of States into the Union in the early 
days of the Government, when cquilihrium of Congres- 
sional representation was maintained by the admission of 
one slave and one free State at the same time.* On this 
principle two Territories were formed instead of one, nnd 
the South claimed the slave State — Kansas, and conceded 
the free State — Nebraska. The South was well equipped 
to cnt^r the contest for the consummation of this design. 
On the east Kansas joined a slave State — Missouri. The 
western counties of Missouri contained a large population 
possessing many slaves, and an intense sentiment and do- 
sire for the extension of slavery int^) Kansas. This condi- 
tion was largely relied upon in the formulation of the 
Kansas-Xebraska plan.** It was believed that the citizens 
of Missouri would at once migrate to the new Territory 
and seize all the choice lands before people fmm a 
greater distance could arrive. To facilitate this action the 
Government concluded secret treaties with the Indian 
tribes owning the land in the eastern portion of the Terri- 
tory, wherein the greater part of the best land was to be at 
once opened to settlement; and the representatives of the 
slave-power in Missouri were apprised of the conclusion 
of these treaties long before their public proclamation. 
And other slave States were expected to contribute largely 
of their inhabitants with their slaves to form the popula- 
tion of the new Territory organized in the interest of 
slavery. 

But, "the best-laid schemes o' mice and men gang aft 
a-gley." Missouri failed to meet the expectations enter- 
tained of her, because there was no pressing demand in 



THE POLITICAL BEGINNINGS OF KANSAS 



53 



her western counties for land. These counties were yet 
new, and the people had not more than accomplished the 
subjection of the forest and prairie f land was cheap, and 
no great sum could be realized from its sale. ^Yhen it 
was known that people from the free States intended to 
contest for Kansas, the people owning slaves in Missouri 
became averse to jeopardizing their property by carrying 
it to a Territory which might in the end destroy its value. 
The institution proved too clumsy and too much of a 
weight to be readily removed from States at a greater 
distance.''' 

The despondency of the Korth was temporary, and dis- 
appeared after a brief period following the passage of the 
Kansas-JSTebraska bill. In Xew England this reaction 
was largely sentimental.^ In the free States of the Ohio 
Valley it was intensely aggressive and practical. People 
from Ohio, Pennsylvania and Indiana were in Kansas be- 
fore the bill had finally passed.® When it was known that 
it had become a law, people from western Kew York and 
Pennsylvania, and from all the States made from the old 
Northwest Territory, set their faces towards Kansas with 
the avowed intention of building themselves homes and of 
making the Territory a free State. ^° The people of Mas- 
sachusetts turned their sentiment to practical use, and 
other New England States followed the example. The 
Emigrant Aid Company was formed to carry out the 
policy announced by William H. Seward in the debate of 
the bill in the United States Senate.^ ^ Eli Thayer was 
the principal mover in this organization, which became a 
potent factor in making Kansas a free State. It was 
largely due to his efforts that the sentimental opposition 



54 .lOHX HKOWN 

to the bill in Xcw Englaiul was given some practical 
direction and form. Societies like that projected !•> hiui 
were formed in other Xew England States, and, indeed, 
in other parts of the North. Wiiile it nnist be admitted 
that thev accomj)lished great gc»od for Kansas and the 
country, it is true that their organization first alarmed the 
South, and many of the outrages peri>etrated by the lK:)rder 
ruflians were inspired by their iiostility to Northern emi- 
grant aid societies.** Similar organizations were formed 
in the South in the interest of slavery; in Missouri it was 
claimed that their organization was for the purpose of 
counteracting those of the North; they were called " Blue 
lodges," " Social Bands," *' Friends' Societies," ami 
" The Sons of the Soutli." " 

The result of the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill 
was to localize for a time, and to transfer to Kansas, the 
preliminary battle in the final contest between freedom 
and slavery. The forces on each side were stirred to effort. 
The resources of eacli section were drawn upon to advance 
respective interests and pave the way to ultimate victory, 
of which the South was sanguine and the North hopeful. 
In the actual conflict in Kansas, the South, flushed with 
victory in Congress »i\il animatetl with impatience of re- 
straint, intolerance, and a fanatical but distorted faith 
in the justice of her cause, was always the aggressor. The 
Northern emigrant was proclaimed an abolitionist, what- 
ever his political faith or however tolerant his views. 
No discriminations were made. Abolitionists were de- 
nounced in Kansas, as they liad been everywhere in the 
South, as the enemies of society, religion, humanity, and 
the Union. Of rights they were supposed not to have any, 



THE POLITICAL BEGIXNINGS OF KANSAS 55 

and they were to be accorded none in Kansas. Their lives 
were considered as forfeited here, as in the South, and the 
Pro-Slavery settlers were urged to destroy them. The 
partisans of freedom soon came to be called Free-State 
men; the advocates of slavery were known by various 
names: Pro-Slavery men, Law and Order men, and Na- 
tional Democrats. But the people of Kansas bestowed 
upon them the name. Border Ptuffian.^"' Many of the more 
depraved characters among them came to glory in this 
terra, but there were many good people in the slavery 
ranks, and they were opposed to violence at all times. ^^ 
They were allowed little part in the formulation of the 
course in Kansas in the interest of slavery. Those in 
power and the great majority of those who came to Kansas 
were noisy, violent, aggressive, brutal and murderous from 
the very first. Some of the outrageous conduct of these 
slavery partisans is enumerated: 

As early as the Gth of October, 1854, Westport sent a 
large body of men with arms, and banners decorated with 
strange devices and violent and threatening legends, to 
break up the Free-State settlement of Lawrence. In the 
most violent and horrible oaths possible of expression in the 
English language they ordered the "abolitionists" to strike 
their tents and leave the Territory. The settlers showed 
the "eyes and teeth" of courage, and the presumptuous 
invaders were so astonished at the exhibition of bravery 
in "Yankees" that they returned home swearing wicked 
oaths of what they would do when they returned at the 
end of a week with a larger force.^^ 

The first elections were scenes of violence and disorder. 
Long lines of whisky-sodden ruffians^ ^ wound their sev- 



66 



JOHN nijov.'x 



era! ways about the prairie3 and along the streams of 
Kansas, took armed possession of the polls and voting- 
places, cast thousands of illegal votes, perjured themselves 
by certifying to fraudulent election returns, and returned 
in a drunken frenzy to their homes in Mi.-souri. At 
Leavenworth a Free-State election clerk named Wetherell 
complained because a youth who said he was but nineteen 
was allowed to vote, on the qualification of having a claim 
in Kansas; he said he lived in Missouri. lie was allowed 
to cast nine votes for residents of Missouri who were not 
present, but who, so tlie youth said, had claims in the 
Territory. At this easy manner of exercising the rights 
of suffrage Wetherell declared that the election was a 
fraud. Charles Dunn was the cJiief ruflian present, and 
hearing the remark of the clerk, seized him by the head, 
dragged him from the building through the window with 
great bodily injury, fell upon him, in company with other 
ruflians, beat and kicked him in a shamefully brutal man- 
ner, and left him for dead. '*' 

In the same city a vigilance committee was formed at 
a. meeting addressed by the Chief Justice of the Territory 
on the 30th of April, 1855. The resolutions adopted 
warned ''all persons not to come to our peaceful firesides 
to slander us, and sow the seeds of discord between the 
master and the servant"; and the duty of the committee 
was defined in the following explicit language: "All such 
persons as shall by the expression of abolition sentiments 
produce a disturbance to the quiet of the citizens or danger 
to their domestic relations, shall be notified and made to 
leave the Territory." 

Mr. William Phillips, a lawyer, and by all reports a 



THE POLITICAL BEGINNINGS OF KANSAS 57 

brave and good citizen, lived at the time in Leavenworth, 
and soon became amenable to this power of the committee. 
A mob seized him and carried him to Weston, Mo. There 
one-half his head was shaved as were the heads of convicts 
in the dark ages; he was stripped of his raiment, tarred 
and feathered, ridden on a rail, had a halter put on his 
neck by which he was led to tlie block, and by a negro 
cried to the highest bidder and sold for one-fourth of one 
cent. He was allowed to return home, but was soon after- 
ward murdered in his own house by a band of ''law and 
order" men styling themselves ''Territorial militia," and 
commanded by Frederick S. Emory; his sole offense was 
his refusal to leave the town of Leavenworth at the mob's 
bidding.^ ^ 

One of the most brutal and wanton murders ever com- 
mitted in the Territory was that of Eees P. Brown. He 
was a resident of Leavenworth county, and had been to 
the polls at the village of Easton to attend the election 
for State officers under the Topeka Constitution. As he 
and a number of other Free-State men were returning 
home they were met by Captain Charles Dunn, one of 
the most rabid ruffums that ever cursed the border. They 
were taken back to Easton and confined in a store; all 
but Brown were allowed to escape. A mob broke into 
the building in which Brown was confined and struck 
him several times in the face with a hatchet. The assault 
was made by one Gibson. He was thrown into a lumber 
wagon, where he remained for seven houi*s while his 
captors were drinking at a doggery, the weather being at 
the time bitterly cold. He was taken home and dragged 
from the wagon to the frozen ground; he was cast into 



58 



JOHN BROWX 



the cabin with the words, "Here is Brown I " Tie died 
in about three hours, and tlie brutality he liad suffered 
made his wife a maniac.^" 

A Pro-Slavery man in Leavenworth made a bet that he 
could in two hours bring in the scalp of an abolitionist. A 
young German was just returning to town after having 
taken his wife to visit her sister in Lawrence. The 
ruflian shot him, and he fell from his carriage; then the 
murderer scalped him and triumphantly returned witli his 
reeking trophy to claim his winning, which was a pair of 
boots, against which he had bet six dollars. Tic ua^ .iftcr- 
wards tried for murder, and acquitted I *' 

The paper of Stringfellow, published at Atchison, con- 
taineil a standing notice that abolitionists would be 
lynched if they dared to " pollute our soil." 

But the lie plus ultra of rutHan outrage and villainy 
was attained in the enactment of the infamous code known 
as the Bogus Laws, by the Legislature fraudulently se- 
lected by the election at which the outrages before spoken 
of occurred, and known in history as the Bogus Legisla- 
ture. One of these statutes provided that any person 
daring to discuss the question of the establishment of 
slavery in Kansas, or "whether it exists or does not exist" 
there, should be imprisoned at hard labor for at least two 
years — the maximum term not fixed; it might be ninety- 
nine years. By this code no man could serve on a jury 
who was opposed to slavery. It contained many laws of 
the same nature; and that certain indication of tyranny — 
the appointment of all county and township officers by the 
Legislature or executive — was fixed upon the people, who 
were thus divested of the right of local self-government.^* 



THE POLITICAL BEGINNINGS OF KANSAS 



59 



Andrew H. Keeder, of Pennsylvania, was appointed the 
first Governor of the Territory; and his administration 
was one continuous struggle against the ruffians and min- 
ions of the slave-power for some semblance of right and 
justice for the people. His efforts in this direction were 
resented at Washington, and he was removed from office. 
He remained for a time in the Territory, and assisted in 
the founding of the Free-State party and became its first 
candidate for Delegate to Congress. He was defeated by 
fraud, and contested the election; the result was the ap- 
pointment of a committee to investigate Kansas affairs. 
This committee was virtually driven from the Territory 
by the ruffians ; but it formulated a report which contains 
more than a thousand printed pages of the outrages against 
liberty and the free people of Kansas. Reeder was forced 
to fly to escape assassination at the hands of the principal 
ruffian of Leavenworth county acting for the slave-power.^^ 
Upon the removal of Reeder, Wilson Shannon was ap- 
pointed Governor. His weakness and his cringing and 
obsequious sycophancy resulted in the outrages committed 
in the Wakarusa war, and, finally, in anarchy. The 
murder of Free-State men became so common that it 
ceased even to cause comment. Governor Shannon was 
himself compelled to seek safety from assassination in 
flight ; he reported that dead bodies lay thickly all along 
all the Territorial highways.^* 

Thus, chaos, anarchy, confusion and disorder in Kansas 
resulted from the efforts of the Government to force 
human bondage upon the people. Nevertheless, emigrants 
from the free States continued to arrive. The foregoing 
description will serve to show to some degree the disor- 



60 



JOH3^ BSOWX 



•i fettled condition of societr- into which thev 

c. - their lives were forfeited the minute they 

set loot in Kansas. Thev were subjected to manv indig«- 
nities while ' r * _' '*'- ri; and the pirates 

ztA nrians : ^-i?=:"r: river in the 

thej wotild thereby be deter: attempting 

to r«r Territory. But these crusaders for freedom 

were :-.. , . i sterner stuff. They turned to the north, 
and came into the Mecca of their faith by the way of 
I Xebraska. 

There — . " - ; living in 0„. . _:.! New York 

a n.:~: r . — that of John Brown. So im- 

portant was the work of this family in the emancipation 
«:: " •' .'. ' * writer 

u _ - _ ^ causes 

which resulted in their freedom. In the fall of IS 54 five 
of the sons of John Brown determined * :- to Kansas 

to make theniselves homes and assist ; g it a free 

Stare. TLey were bred to rugged and self- 

reliance, and were inured to hardship, scant living, high 

•t before God and man. They 

.- -. ... „. zAi, to erect houses, to plant and 

tend vineyards and orchards and to rear cattle, — to devote 
themselves to the peaceful pursuits of the farm. They 
'~""- V - J fruit trees and grapevines, 

- . their tents and their cattle. 

They set out from the Western Reserve, in Ohio, where 
they then lived and where they had been bom, in the fall 
of 1S54, with their csttle. and g»:»t as far as ATeredosia, 
HUnois. Here the brooier?. O^en. Frederick and Salmon, 



THE POUTICAL BEGETSTXGS OF Ka2sSAS 61 

remained to care for tbe cattle tliroiigh the winter, and 
when spring came they drove them overland into Kansas.^ 
The brothers, Jason and John, jr., came by steamer down 
the Ohio river and to St. Louis. At this point they and 
their families took passage on a boat bound for the Terri- 
tory. It was crowded with people "mostly from the South, 
as was plainly indicated by their language and dress; 
while their drinking, profanity, and display of revolvere 
and bowie-knives — openly worn as a part of their make-up 
— clearly showed the class to which they belonged, and 
that their mission was to aid in establishing slavery in 
Kansas." Cholera appeared on the*boat, and a number 
of passengers died; among them, Austin, the little son 
of Jason Brown. The brothers and their families went 
ashore at the panic-stricken town of Waverly, Missouri^ 
at night, in a furious thunder-storm, to commit to the 
earth the body of their child; and without warning the 
boat cast off and continued her way without thenL** 
They were left to make their way to Kansas City as best 
they could, and were compelled to complete their joumev 
by stage. 

These brothers arrived very early in the spring of 1S55. 
Ji they were too late to see the ruffians come over from 
Missouri to carry the election, they arrived while that 
outrage was fresh in the minds of the people. Thev all 
selected claims some ten miles from Osawatomie, near 
that of their uncle, the Rev. S. L. Adair. Their farms 
did not adjoin, for claims were then selected with a view 
to secure some timber : but they were not far apart, and a 
circuit of two miles would have inclosed them alL They 
succeeded in raising something, though little, the first vear. 



62 



JOHN BROWN 



But the political turmoil and the merciless persecutions of 
the Free-State men raged during the summer. The usur- 
pation of the government by the Missourians and their 
enactment of the bogus laws could n«»t be tamely submitted 
to bv a people loving liberty and coming from a c<»\intrv 
where the laws were for all and obeyed by all. ft was 
generally agreed by the Free-State settlers that they could 
not submit to all these laws. It was apparent that it was 
intended that the laws should make it impossible for 
Free-State people to remain in Kansas. As the newspa- 
pers along the border of ^Mi^.souri were teeming with 
threats and inlhunmatory articles, it was believed that 
trouble would arise as soon as the crops ceased to engross 
the attention of the people. The part of prudence de- 
manded that the Free-State men be prepared to protect 
themselves from assault. The Browns early identiliod 
themselves with the movement to organize and make effect- 
ive the anti-slavery forces in the Territory. On the 8th 
of June, 1S55, some of them attended the Free-State meet- 
ing in Lawrence, and John Brown, jr., was a member of 
the committee on resolutions.^^ He and his brother Fred- 
erick were delegates to the Big Springs Convention, and 
assisted there to form the Free-State party.^* 

Early in the summer John Brown, jr., wrote his father 
the conditions existing in the Territory, and requested him 
to procure arms for their defense and send them on to 
Kansas.^^ John Brown was then living at Xorth Elba 
Xcw York. He attended an anti-slavery or abolition con- 
vention at Syracuse, in that State, in the latter part of 
June. Here he made a "very fiery speech, during which 
he said he had four sons in Kansas, and had three others 



THE POLITICAL BEGINXIXGS OF KANSAS 



63 



who were desirous of going there, to aid in fighting the 
battles of freedom. He could not consent to go unless 
armed, and he would like to arm all his sons; but his 
poverty prevented him from doing so." ^° It had not been 
his intention to go to Kansas. In a letter to his son John 
almost a year before he had said : " If you or any of my 
family are disposed to go to Kansas or Nebraska, with a 
view to help defeat Satan and his legions in that direction, 
I have not a word to say ; but I feel committed to operate 
in another part of the field. If I were not so committed, 
I would be on my way this fall." ^^ His attendance upon 
the Syracuse convention appears to have changed this de- 
termination; perhaps he met there persons with whom he 
was "committed" to labor in some different part of the 
field, and after discussion it was agreed that Kansas was 
as inviting and promising as any field for the time being 
need be. His appeal to the convention for arms and 
means to reach the Territory seems to have resulted to his 
satisfaction, for he wrote his wife : " I have reason to 
bless God that I came, I met with a most warm recep- 
tion ... a most hearty approval of my intention 
of arming my sons and other friends in Kansas." ^^ Some- 
thing more than sixty dollars was given him; and it is 
very probable that other and further contributions were 
sent him before he left New York for the Territory. 

He set out for Kansas sometime in August, accom- 
panied by his son-in-law, Henry Thompson. His son 
Oliver was then at Rockford, Illinois, and he was taken 
along, and wrote to his mother that he hoped to see them 
all in Kansas in a year or two. They wrote from Chicago 
that they had there purchased "a nice young horse for 



04 



JUll.N UHOWN 



$120, but have bo much loa«l that we shall have to walk 
a good deal — enough probably to supply ourselves with 
game." From a point in Scott county, Iowa, "ulv>ut 
twenty miles west of the Missi^fippi," he wrote hii* wife 
that their load was heavy and they walked much. They 
fared "vtry well on crackers, herring, boiled eggs, prairie 
chicken, tea, and sometimes a little milk. Have three 
chickens now cooking for our breakfast. We shoot enough 
of them on the wing as wo go along to supply us with 
fresh meat, Oliver succeeds in bringing them down quite 
as well as any of us." He further says: " We hope our 
money will not entirely fail us; but we shall not have any 
of account left when we got through." They expected **to 
go direct through Missouri." This letter contains the 
remarkable ^tatomoiit : ** I thl: ' ' ' / ' in any other 

way to answtr thf cud of my ;, 1 : ik? quite con- 

tent to be at North Elba." *' He believed with his whole 
soul that God bad appointed him to make war on slavery, 
and in no other way could he hope to answer the end of 
hi.« Ixing. To answer this call he surrendered the com- 
forts of domestic happiness, the ease so much coveted by 
men of his age, anything like a competency for increasing 
years, and set forth on a journey long and toilsome, and 
in which he "walked much," to join a heroic band of 
freedom-loving men and women engaged then in fighting 
back the foul institution of human bondage threatening to 
engulf them on the plains of Kansas. In that sentence 
is the key and explanation of the character of John Brown. 
They arrived at the '' Brown settlement " on the 6th 
of October, and found all ''more or less sick or feeble 
but WinMiv nTnl .T( 1:iinv." '* Thf entire party had but 



THE POLITICAL BEGI^'NI^'GS OF KANSAS 65 

sixty cents'-when they arrived. And — strange man, this 
Brown! — while anxious to battle to the death with the 
powers of slavery and darkness, and determined to shed 
blood if need be, and fully realizing that his own blood 
might be required, as well as that of his children, he was 
as sensitive to the touch of love and sympathy as is a 
mother to the cry of her babe. Xo mother ever carried 
more tenderness in her soul for her children than John 
Brown bore in his heart for suffering of every kind. His 
whole being responded to the grief of those who mourned. 
On this weary journey he remembered that his daughter- 
in-law had left the light of her life in an unmarked and 
lonely grave on a hill washed by the yellow tide of the 
Missouri. He turned aside to seek the lowly grave; he 
lifted from it the tiny body of his grandson, and carried 
it with him to the free land of Kansas to gladden the 
heart of her that wept.^^ All summer she had borne such 
grief as only a mother who has lost her child can feel. 
The parents had written: "We fully believe that Austin 
is happy with his Maker in another existence ; and if there 
is to be a separation of friends after death, we pray God 
to keep us in the way of truth, and that we may so run our 
short course as to be able to enjoy his company again. 
Ellen fe€ls so lonely and discontented here without Austin, 
that we shall go back to Akron next fall if she does not 
enjoy herself better." ^^ 

What manner of people are these Browns, old and 
young, to whom the world seems a sort of temporary 
stopping-place; who are continually seeking the sustain- 
ing arm of a higher power; who never fail to commend 
one another to God; who realize their weakness and ask 

—5 



6G JOHN BROWX 

Strength only from Ilim who is able to give; wlio struggle 
in poverty to do the work a nation has neglected? Ah! 
these are questions which John Brown answered with his 
life on a scaffold in the beautiful mountains of Virginia! 



Note \.—The American Conflict, Grcolcy, p. 225. 



Note 2. — The I'roviniomtl Government of Srhra^kn ?• mtory, 
William E. Conncllcy, p. 17, and following. 



Note 3. — Memorial of S. .V. Wood, br his wife. p. 21. Al*o Mate 
ment of Hunnibal Hamlin. See The Kansas Crusade, Eli Thayer, 

P- ^- 

Note 4. — "The repeal of the Compromise bill of 1820 by the 
paftiajro of the Kan!«a»Nrl)ra»kR Act of 1s.j4. wan. of it*elf. though 
not »o spetified or implied, a eort of compromiKe nicaHure. The 
ori"inal aet, as has bf-en stated, provided for the or};anization of 
a sin^^le Territory, to be called Nebraska, which was to embrace 
all that section of country which conntituten the Territory of 
Kansas. The locality of the greater portion of Nebraska as thus 
designed; its ready access to immigration from the North; and its 
peculiar adaptation as respects both climate and M>il, to free labor, 
rendered it certain of being received into the L'nion at an early 
day as a free State. The Southern politician.^ could not wisely 
and openly object to its organization upon this ground. Hence a 
more judicious policy, as it was less likely to meet with deter- 
mined opposition and condemnation, was adopted. The substitute 
of Mr. Douglas, though it could not prevent the erection of a free 
State, would at least so far keep up the equality as to create an-- 
other State, into which slavery would be introduced. By the propo- 
sition to erect two new Territories instead of one, as at first 
proposed, and to allow the inhabitants of each to determine for 
themselves whether slavery should or should not be admitted, it 
was intended and so understood, that Nebraska should become a 
free State and Kansas a slave State. 'I'hi- \<. ■- t.. v,,ti,1 all question, 



THE POLITICAL BEGIXTsIXGS OF KANSAS 67 

the object and meaning of the Kansas-Nebraska bill of Mr. Douglas; 
and it was so regarded, as all its acts show, by the late Administra- 
tion. This, in fact, is the only excuse, although by no means a 
sufficient one, that can be offered in extenuation of the outrages 
that have been committed against Free-State settlers. Many mem- 
bers of the Pro-Slavery party, believing it to have been a matter 
understood and fixed by certain contracting powers and the heads 
of the General Government, that Kansas was to become a slave 
State, in order to keep up an equilibrium of Northern and South- 
ern sectional and political interests, conscientiously supposed that 
instead of its being a criminal offense, it was not only justifiable, 
but a virtue, to persecute, even to death, all Northern people who 
should enter the Territory with the disposition to defeat or thwart 
that object. All such were regarded as intruders, whom it was 
proper to remove at all hazards and by whatever means, however 
cruel or oppressive, that could be employed. This sentiment was 
not confined to Kansas and the adjoining State of Missouri, but was 
entertained by persons high in authority elsewhere, and especially 
at the seat of the Federal Government." — "History of Kansas," 
John H. Oihon, pp. 27, 28. 

A meeting at Independence, Mo., resolved that "we ask only our 
rights as compromise, viz.: That we, the South, be permitted 
peaceably to possess Kansas, while the North, on same privilege, 
be permitted to possess Nebraska Territory." — ''History of the Slate 
of Kansas," A. T. Andreas, p. S3. 

The Baltimore Sun, June 28, 1854, said: "Abolitionists or Free- 
Soilers would do well not to stop in Kansas Territory, but keep on 
up the Missouri river until they reach Nebraska Territory, where 
they can peacefully make claims and establish their abolition and 
free-soil notions; for if they do, they will be respectfully notified 
that but one day's grace will be allowed for them to take up their bed 
and baggage and walk." — "History of the State of Kansas," A. T. 
Andreas, p. 83. 



Note 5. — There was even a pro-slavery plan to annex the portion 
of Missouri known as the "Platte Purchase" to Kansas Territory. — 
"Annals of Kansas," D. W. Wilder, p. 66. 



Note 6. — In fact, this had not yet been done. One township in 



68 



JOHN BROWN 



Jackson county was not subdivided until 1843; if thpre had Wrn 
anj pressing demand for land it would have been Bectionired and 
Bold prior to that date. It is true that there was much public land 
in the border counties of Missouri in even 1S50. But the choice 
lands were sciettt'd and occupied long before. Much of the clamor 
for the op<-nin(» of the "I'latte Count ry" came from the vanpuiird 
of real civilization — frontier chariuters who would reiunin for a 
time and then depart to seek another new country. There wa* a 
great (juantity of this human drift wtxyl banked np»in*t the west 
ern State line of Missouri in 1854. It furni^he»i •>■•• "ixw.riiv of 
the border ruflians. 



Note 7. — The principal reason why the emigrant aid aocietiea of 
the South maile no better •bowing in sending slaveholding settlers 
to Kansas, was their poverty. They could secure no money. Ala- 
bama appropriated $25,000; whether any of this sum was ever paid 
is not known with certainty. The wealth of the South consisted 
largely of land and negroes; accumulations of money consequent 
upon commerce and manufactures did not exit<t. The people had no 
genius for the adroit handling of money in any enterprise where 
they met close competition. Missouri spent large sums, but not in 
an efTcciivc manner; she observed no system. 



Note 8. — One of Eli Thayer's most efTective arguments was, 
"that it was much better to go and do something for free lalxir 
than to stay at home and talk of manacles and aurtionblocks and 
bloodhounds, while deploring the never ending aggrcKnionB of slav- 
ery." — "The Kansas Crusade," Eli Thayer, p. SI. 



Note 9. — "Early in May, 1854, the Barber brothers, Thomas W. 
and Oliver P., with Samuel Walker and Thomas M. Pearson, made 
a tour in the Territory with a view to settlement. They had all 
been toys together' in Franklin county, Pennsylvania, but the 
Barbers now lived in Indiana. They came to Wejitport, Missouri, 
by public conveyance. Here they hired a half-breed Indian to take 
them over the Territory with his team. They spent a night at 
'Blue Jacket Crossing' on the Wakarusa, and passed over what was 
to be the site of Lawrence, passing up the spur of the hill south of 
where the University now stands. They went aa far as Topeka, 
where there was an old-fashioned rope ferry; they then went acroaa 



THE POLITICAL BEGINNINGS OF KANSAS 69 

the prairies to Fort Leavenworth, and then back to their home. 
The Kansas-Nebraska bill passed while they were in the Territory. 
All four afterwards removed to Kansas, and were largly instru- 
mental in inducing others to come."— "A History of Lawrence, 
Kansas," Rev. Richard Cordley, p. S. 

Note 10. — "As soon as the land was thrown open to settle- 
ment 'squatters' came in from ^Missouri and from the Western and 
Northwestern States to secure claims. . . . Among the settlers 
who came into the county ... in the spring and early sum- 
mer of 1854, were J. W. Lunkins, of South Carolina, April 13; 
A. R. Hopper, May 9; Clark Stearns and William H. R. Lykins, 
May 26; A. B. and N. E. Wade, June 5; J. A. Wakefield, June 8; 
[he was a South Carolinian, but came to Kansas from Virginia, 
through Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois.— Wm. E. C] ; Calvin and 
Martin Adams, June 10; J. J. Ebcrhart, June 12; Bryee W. Miller, 
June 6; J. H. Harrison, June 14; H. S. and Paul C. Eberhart, 
June 15; S. N. Wood, June 24; Mr. Rolf, June 24; L. A. Larger- 
quest, July 4; James F. Legate. July 5; William Lyon and Josiah 
Hutchinson, in July. On the Wakarusa, Joel K. (Joodin settled in 
M^y, and William Broyman. July IS."— "Douglas ConrJij," in "His- 
tory of the State of Kayisas," A. T. Andreas, p. SOS. 

"Then it is impossible to do justice to all the actors engaged. 
The movement that saved Kansas was of the people, rather than of 
the leaders. There were leaders, but they were leaders chiefly 
because they went before. They did not create the movement, nor 
the sentiment out of which it grew. The people moved toward 
Kansas of their own impulse. They did not go at the beck of any 
man. They followed certain men because they were going their 
way. If all the leaders had failed them they would have chosen 
others and gone on. They were moved by individual conviction 
and a common impulse. Men and women who have never been 
heard of displayed a spirit of self-sacrifice and heroism as worthy 
of remembrance as anything history records of noted names. No 
history can do honor to all who deserve it." — "History of Lawrence," 
Rev. Richard Cordley, p. Hi, Preface. 

The above quotation from the excellent work of Dr. Cordley is 
the best statement of the cause actuating people to come to Kansas 
that has ever been written. It states the exact truth, and refutes 
completely the impression sought to be conveyed by Eli Thayer in 



70 JOnX BBOWN 

his Thr Kansaa Cnitade, that the peopling of KanMt w*» largely 
the work of the Emigrant Aid ' It it estimated that at 

the end of 1854 thrrr w«Tf i 'nd Free Sute »^ttl.T» in 

KunKi». Of thi-«e, M; 'it five » re 

on the rolla of the y; but > ily 

and with remarkable pro. all. The claim that 

the Emigrant Aid Company ..w.. . ,^ , ,t aaved Kan«at i« pre- 

posteroua and ridiculoua. It waa one of the manj agenciea that 
ar. at work. \ icra wer< thejr 

has «■!! be I Dr. Cc. . littla 

to be Mild • 

For Mr. i ■<•, f hia book. Tkt A'anaoa Crtiaadc; 

and for thia particular matter, ae* page 54. The book la • very 
valuable contribution to Kantaa history, but it it written with 
that pompoua self importance uppermoot in the mind of the author, 
which detract* from candor. 

Note 11.— Th«- i» ( men of 
the »lave Stale*. .-. no r^'v- wc ac- 
cept it in the name of ircrtlum. W ■ 'ion fur 
the virgin »oil of Kansaa. and («od n^ '■>• which 
is »trongiT in numbers, aa it la In right." 



Note 12. — "Th«» I*ro SUvrry party fancied it aaw in the Immi- 
griition of thcTw •re- 

hend the dcfcnl ■ . ty; 

been altend«-d with many «"b» of »uoh moment- 

ouH importance; and until i. ..- , i certain and ultimata 

success. It therefore resolved, a* a matter of safety and intereat, 
not only to diupcr^e tho»e who had already entered the Territory, 
but to prevent, if |M>«i>ib!c. the admi>oion of all other* of similar 
character. To t! ' various 'Se 

Territory ami in 'ri, at v ' i--* 

were made and r(*^olutlun<t adopted of the most u md in- 

fluniinatory dc.-*<Tipliou. Some of them were so e\ _ \ violent 

and disgustingly profane, ait to be unfit for publication. The t^nor 
and spirit of them all was, that Kansas must be a slave State; 
that abolitionists — and this meant all Northern men not pledged 
to favor slavery exten.«ion — hud no right to come there; and that 
all such should be driven from the Territory or destroyed. 



THE POLITICAL BEGINN-JNGS OF KAXSAS 71 

"At one of these meetings held at Westport, Mo., in July, 1854, 
an association was formed, which adopted the following resolution: 

"Resolved, That this association will, whenever called upon by 
any of the citizens of Kansas Territory, hold itself in readiness 
together and assist to remove any and all emigrants who go there 
under the auspices of the Northern emigrant aid societies;" etc., 
etc. — "History of Kansas," John H. Gihon, p. 29. 

"The Platte County (Mo.) Self-Defensive Association was formed 
at Weston, Mo., July 29. Its objects were: (1) Expulsion of all 
free negroes from the country. (2) Traffic between whites and 
slaves forbidden. (3) Slaves not allowed to hire their own time. 
(4) Themselves, their honor and their purses, mutually pledged 
to bring to immediate punishment all Abolitionists. — "History of 
the atate of Kansas," A. T. Andreas, p. 90. 



Note 13. — The Platte Argus said: 

"It is now time to sound the alarm. We know we speak the 
sentiments of some of the most distinguished statesmen of Missouri, 
when we advise that counter organizations be made both in Kansas 
and Missouri to thwart the reckless course of the abolitionists. We 
must meet them at their very threshold and scourge them back to 
their caverns of darkness. They have made the issue, and it is for 
us to meet and repel them." — "History of Kansas Territory," J. N. 
Holloicay, p. 120. 



Note 14. — "The St. Louis Republican says that B. F. String- 
fellow knocked Ciovernor Reedcr down, at the Shawnee Mission, for 
having said that Stringfellow was a 'frontier rufiian' or 'border 
ruffian.' The expression soon becomes national." — "Annals of Kan- 
sas," D. TV. Milder, p. 60. 



Note 15. — "The farmers, large landholders, capitalists, merchants 
and industrious artisans living in western Missouri, or emigrated to 
the new Territory, largely outnumbered the class above described. 
They were, many of them, slaveholders, and nearly all conscien- 
tiously, or from personal interest, favored the extension of slavery 
into the new Territory. Yet, they were high-minded, despised mean- 
ness, believed in fair play and law and order, and in living up to 
all contracts to the letter. Like Benton, they had had no hand 
nor heart in the recent abrogation of the old compromise, took no 



' - JOHN DROWN 

pride or 8ati«;faetion in it, and gave but lukrwann support to any 
Jcwless effort* to foreftUll the MtUeoient of the Territory, or 
othorwiMe pu»h hastily the advantages of the faithleaa abrogation." 
— "History of the State of Kanaa-n" ' " \:\Jreat, p. 90. 

NoTK 10. — HtJitory of Kansas, JoLu 11. CttboD, p. 30. 



Note 17. — "A description of one of theae will give the reader 
some idra of their general cbaracteristica. Imagine a man stand- 
ing in a pair of long boota. covered with dust and mud and drawn 
over his trouiurrs, the latter made of coarse, f.> .1 cloth, 

well Huiled; the handle of a larcrt* bnurie knif<« )i ;:um one 

or both boot lupK ; a Irath'rn I on each 

side of which i» faitcn*^ a lai,- rt, with 

a he«rt. anchor, eajjle or some other favorite device braided on the 
breuiit and back, over which is swung a rifle or carbine; a sword 
dangling by his side, and a chicken, goose or turkey feather stick- 
ing in the top of his hat; hair uncut and n his 
neck and shoulders : an un«havrd face and un .-ne 
such a picture • • ty. who • - of 
oaths in any i>p I'rirk -.i- • .th- 
out gctlins drunk, and I stolen a half dozen horsea 

and killed one or more i i,d you will have a pretty 

fair conception of a border ruflian aa be appear* in SJisaouri and 
Kansas. He baa, however, the happy faculty of assuming a very 
diflferent aspcvt. Like other animals, he can shed hi« coat and 
change his colors. In the city of \ n he is < ',cr 

j>erson. You will see him in the cu: the first' 

upon Pennsylvania .\\<nuc — in the rotunda of the capitol, or the 
spacious halls of the Wliite House, dressed in the finest broadcloths 
and in the extreme of fashion; his hair trimmed, his face amoothed 
and his hands cleansed; his manner gentle, kind and courteous; his 
whole deportment that of innocence, and his speorh so ^mooth, 
studied and oily as to convince even V: iit him- 

self that he is a voriuble and polis^hcd l hd from 

the wise heads that form the cabinet the most important posts 
of trust, honor and emolument in the u'.ii of fli.- nut:..?)" — -ffit. 
tory of Kansas," John H. Gihon, p. 101. 



Note 18. — This differs from the account given by H. U. Johnson 



THE POLITICAL BEGINNINGS OF KANSAS "^^ 

in his testimony before the committee to investigate the aflfairs 
of the Territory, as set out in its Report at page 973. I have fol- 
lowed the version given me by the Rev. J. B. McAfee, who was at 
that time a resident of Leavenworth, and saw the occurrence. Mr. 
McAfee is now a resident of Topelca, where he has lived for a great 
many years; he is a Lutheran minister, and one of the first citizens 
of the State in time of residence, intelligence, reliability, high stand- 
ing, public spirit, and all that goes to constitute a Christian gentle- 
man. 

Note 19.— See the account of this outrageous affair in the His- 
tory of Kansas, by John H. Gihon, p. 35. See also, "Leavenworth 
County," in History of the State of Kansas, A. T. Andreas, p. 425. 

Note 20.— "The story of his brutal treatment is told by Cole 
McCrea, a neighbor of Captain Brown's, and whose wife was one of 
several kind friends who attempted to revive the injured man: 
'They then [after the assault] tossed Brown into a lumber wagon 
and drove on to Merrill Smith's saloon, on Salt creek. The rough 
wagon, driven over hard, frozen ground, made the wounded man 
gro!in,' when the ruffian kicked him in the face, neck and breast to 
make him keep still. Eli Moore, putting his foot to his cheek, twisted 
his neck so as to put a tobacco-spit into his wound, saying that 
Avould ease any d-d abolitionist. Thus abused and kept in the bed 
of the wagon some seven hours, they drove over to my cabin. Coming 
up so that the tail end of the wagon would come opposite the door, 
they flung it open, saying, "Here is Brown!" There being no one at 
the house but our wives and infant children, Charley Dunn and 
Pap Taylor undertook to bring him into the house. They first 
dragged him out of the wagon by the feet, letting his body fall at 
full length upon the hard frozen ground. The thud which the hus- 
band's body gave against the hard earth echoed in the faithful, 
loving heart of the wife, and she fell to the floor. Returning con- 
sciousness only found her a helpless maniac, and she so continued till 
my wife delivered her over to her brother at Chicago, who had come 
from Cass county, IMich., to receive her. The two ruffians then 
dragged Brown into the cabin as far as his knees. They then stag- 
gered and stumbled through the cabin, upsetting the water bucket. 
My wife could not drag the dying man further in, or close the door, 
that 18th of January night, one of the coldest ever known in Kansas. 



74 



JOUN BROw:»r 



The helplesB wompn and children and dying man were left exposed 
till David Brown, a T<'nnit>Hcean, came over from the adjoining claim. 
Captain Hrown died about three hours after being brou^iht home.' " — 
"Leaicmcorlh County," in "History of the 8tate of KanMoa," A. T. 
Andreiu, p. J^JS. 



Note 21. — "One of the mo»t heathenish (becau • ly pre- 

meditated, with no provocation whatever) occurred mar ihc south 
lino of the city [Leavenworth], on August 19, A Missouri rufHan 
named Fuget had made a bet of six dollara against a pair of boots, 
that in less than two hours he would bring into Leavenworth an 
abolitionist's scalp. Starting out on his inhuman errand he met a 
young man nainid II . had ju»t arrived from IllinoiM a 

few day* ago, and wan : from l^wrpn*^, x^hore he had lak.n 

his wife to vi»it a siater. iic was »liut ' his carriage by 

Fuget, who Hcalped his victim and left l>. road. He then 

carried the retking Mralp with him to the house of bis cousin. Mrs. 
Todd, situated on the I^wrence road, about a mile from where the 
crime was committed!" — "Lravrntcorth County," in "Utttory of the 
State of Kunsa*," A. T. Andreas, p. 427. 



Note 22.— "John M. Clayton. I'nitrtl StaU*« S«'nator from the 
State of Delaware, afterwards referring to thrne laws, thuit charact«'r- 
ized them: 'Now. Sir. let me allude to that subject which is the 
great cause of all this diiux>rd between the two house*. The unjuot, 
iniquitous, oppre»i>ive and infamous laws enacted by the Kan»as 
L^giflluture. as it in tallctl. ouj^ht to be r< : f<.re wc adjuurn. 

. . . What are thcHe lawh? One of t; - a man to hard 

labor for not les«i than two years for daring to dii»cu«it the queotion 
whethiT slavery exim.s or does not exist in KaniMis: not less than two 
years — it may be tifty; and if a man could live to be as old a» 
Methuselah, it might be over nine hundred years. That act pro- 
hibits all freedom of dibcusnion in Kantms, on the great subject 
directly referred to the exclusive decinion of the people in that 
Territory; strikes down the liberty of the press, too; and is an act 
PgTf^'ousIy tyrannienl as ever was attempted by any of the Stuart*. 
Tudors or Plantagenetji of England, — and this Senate persists in 
declaring that we are not to re|>eal that! 

"Sir, let us tender to the House of Representatives the repeal of 
that and of all other objectionable and infamous laws that were 



THE POLITICAL BEGINNINGS OF KANSAS 75 

passed by that Legislature. I include in this denunciation, ■without 
any hesitation, those acts which prescribe that a man shall not 
even practice law in the Territory unless he swears to support the 
Fugitive Slave Law; that he shall not vote at any election, or be a 
member of the Legislature, unless he swears to support the Fugitive 
Slave Law; that he shall not hold any office of honor or trust, unless 
he swears to support the Fugitive Slave Law; and you may as well 
impose just such a test oath for any other and every other law. 
. . . I will not go through the whole catalogue of the oppressive 
laws of this Territory. I have done that before to-day. There are 
others as bad as those to which I have now referred. ... I 
will not, on the other hand, ever degrade myself by standing for an 
instant by those abominable and infamous laws which I denounced 
here this morning. What I desire now is, that the Senate of the 
United States shall wash its hands of all participation in these 
iniquities, by repealing those laws." — Quoted from "History of Ameri- 
can Conspiracies," Orville J. Victor, p. Jfl^. 



Note 23. — "During the year he was twice notified that he must 
leave or hang, his only crime being that he was a Free-State man 
and read the New York Tribune and similar papers. On June 5, 
185G, the 'Law and Order' party held a meeting in Reese & Keith's 
warehouse, in which violent and denunciatory speeches concerning 
Free-State men were made by some and opposed by others. A 'com- 
mittee of safety' of one hundred men was appointed, which ap- 
pointed a sub-committee of six, whose duty was to notify Father 
Gould, H. J. Adams and Joseph B. McAfee to 'leave or hang.' This 
committee, consisting of Taylor, Todd, Murphy, Renick, Cook and 
another, visited him with the notice, and also read to him a letter 
he had written to Governor Reeder, which they had obtained when 
their party had sacked Lawrence. The history of the letter is as 
follows: The Pro-Slaveiy party had held a meeting, and at its close 
he went near the house, and seeing a drunken Georgian whom he 
knew, but to whom he was unknown, he walked up behind and said: 
'Well, that was a good meeting.' The Georgian replied that it was. 
He then said: "What was done about Governor Reeder?" To 
which the Georgian answered: 'Charley Dunn has taken an oath that 
shears shall not go upon his head, razor upon his face, nor whisky 
down his throat until he has murdered Governor Reeder.' The man 
supposed Mr, Mctifee was one of their own men, but had failed to 



76 



JOHN BUOWX 



hoar what was Raid. Mr. McAfee went home and wrote a letter to 
Governor Keitlcr, a« follow*: 

LFAvr-xwomi, Kaxkas, M*t 7. 18M. 
Hon. A. //. Rrrdrr. I. Mt I)ca« <:' I 

am credibly inform«>t] lli * jufl t "-mn 

onth I' • ' . •. . , - , 

nor w ' 

or ait J.I will- .i.u * ..-..I li. i:.. .-. M-u V .....,.■-■ ...v.. 

Vigilance ia the mother of tafetT. 

Yours reap*" •'" 

it. McAl 



ill- lo.ic thi» K-iter to William Phillipn -"■ murdered 

in Leavenworth ^ , who arnt it by hi« hired hand t r Hwder, 

the (iirrier •«:• •• Kaw rr. ivcr tL lUv tJovernor, 

iiiit<>nd of burn ' ' tcr, aa h> .Ave done, put it among 

hit paper* for future reference. Thu la the Irttrr that wa« brought 
aa an additional reason whjr he ahould b* driven from the Terri- 
tory."— rA« $kelck of Kev. J. B. MeAfet, in "Tk« VmU«d 8l<He» 
Bivgraphical Dictionary," KamMM Volyme, p. 208. 



NoTt 24 —'V, 
a «leamhiK»L, l» . 

alongside the Keystune. Kx Uuvemor Shannon waa a paaaenger, who, 
upon learning the clo»e proximity of (Governor (Scary, aought an im- 
mediate interview with him. The ex-Governor waa greatly agitated. 
He had fled in ha»te and '. m the T< : ! still 

to be laboring; under an on f<>r ) Mia 

dcjicriptiun of Kan»a8 wa* >u tful 

and horrible. ItA condition The 

whole Territory waa in a etate of inturrection. and a de»tructive 
civil war was devastating the country. Murder ran rampant> and the 
roada were everywhere atrewn with the bodies of alaughtercd men. 
No lanj,'uape can exa>;)f<Tate the awful picture that waa drawn."— 
"Hutory of Kan.t<ia, John //. Cihon, p. lOi. 



XoTK 25. — Lxfr and Lflter$ of John Brotcn, F. B. Sanborn, p. 
189. 



Note 26. — For a full account of the removal of the sons of John 
Bruwn to Kansas, 6*^ the statement of John Hrown. jr., at pa^e 
1S8 and following, of Life and Letters of John Brotcn, F. B. Sanborn. 



THE POLITICAL BEGINNINGS OF KANSAS • • 

Note 27.— Annals of Kansas, D. W. Wilder, edition of 1886, p. 
65. 

Note 2S.— Reminiscences of Old John Broicn, G. W. Brown, p. 6. 

NoTK 29.— In the account of the Syracuse convention written by 
John Brown to his wife and children he says: "John's two letters 
were introduced, and read with such effect by Gerrit Smith as to draw 
tears from the numerous eyes in the great collection of people pres- 
ent."— "Life and Letters of John Brown," F. B. Satiborn, p. 191,. 

Note 30. — The Public Life of Captain John Brown, James Red- 
path, p. 81. 

Note 31. — Life and Letters of John Broicn, F. B. Sanborn, p. 191. 

Note 32. — This account is in his letter to his wife and children, 
which is published in Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, 
p. 193. 

Note 33. — See this letter published in Life and Letters of John 
Brown, F. B. Sanborn, pp. 199-200. 

Note 34.— The wife and son of John Brown, jr. 

Note 35. — See letter to his family, published in Life and Letters 
of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, p. 201. 

Note 3G. — "I should have written you before, but since we laid 
little Austin in the grave I have not felt as if I could write." This 
quotation and the one in the text are taken from Jason Brown's 
letter, published in Life and Letters of John Broicn, F. B. Sanborn, 
p. 197. 



C'H APTEK III. 

THE BROWNS— A FAMILY oF PIONEERS. 



The priebt-like father reads the Mcred page. 

How Abrnm wan the friend of God on high; 
Or, MottPii budc vt<>rnal warfare wage 

With Aniulck'n ungrnrtouK progeny: 
Or how the royal bard did groaning lie 

Hrncath the ittroke of Heavm'n avenging lr«: 
Ur iJob'H puthi-tic plaint, and wailing cry; 

Or rapt Inaiah'a wild nerapliic flre; 
Or other holy aeem that tune the aacred lyre. 

— Duma's "The Cottcr'a Saturday >;;/nr 

Peter Brown wns an Enp:lishmnn ; lie was a Puritan, 
and one of the Pilpriin Fatliers who lauded on Plymouth 
Kock, DeoonilxT l*«i1, 1C20. In even that early age he 
was a crnsaik-r for political and religions libort}'. He 
was bv trade a carpenter, and of his life we know little 
more tiian lia.s In^en already here told. Jitit that he loved 
liberty and hated tyranny is fully establifihed by his action 
in coming to America to brave the forces of the untamed 
wilderness on the bleak shores of rock-bound New Eng- 
land, when he might have remained in his native land in 
ease and peace had he chosen to conform outwardly to what 
his conscience condemned. That the evils under which he 
lay in his native land might be slowly reformed and 
finally corrected, wns not enough for him. We see in the 
action of the Pilgrims in their migration to a primeval 

(78) 



THE BROWNS A FAMILY OF PIONEEES 79 

land the uncompromising spirit which moved the old 
prophets to exhort those who had "not bowed the knee to 
Baal" to "come out of her, O my people." 

Peter Brown, the Pilgrim, married ; and to him was 
born in 1632 a son, called, also, Peter Brown. ^ The son 
married Mary Gillett, in 1658, and died in 1692, leaving 
four sons. The second son was named John, and he 
married Elizabeth Loomis in the year of his father's death. 
His second son was also named John ; he married Mary 
Eggleston, and one of his sons, born November 4, 1728, 
was named John. This third John Brown married 
Hannah Owen in 1758 ; she was the daughter of John 
Owen, a native of Wales, who had sought broader oppor- 
tunities and greater freedom in the New World. He was 
one of the first settlers of Windsor, Connecticut, where 
he was a good citizen and held as a man of worth and in- 
tegrity to the end of life. The sons of John and Hannah 
(Owen) Brown were John, Frederick, Owen, and Abiel. 
In the war of the Revolution John Brown heeded the 
call of his country, and, disregarding his personal conven- 
iences and interests, left the peace and quiet of private 
walks and joined the army of the patriots. He was chosen 
Captain of the trainband of West Simsbury, Connecticut, 
and sent to join the American army, then in New York. 
At the end of two months he was seized with a fatal illness 
and died in a barn, September 3, 1776, and was buried 
on the Highlands "near the western bank of East river." 
He, too, might have remained at home, a defender of 
accredited and established order, could he have reconciled 
his conscience to a course so unpatriotic and unjust; he 
could have been protected, and might have been carried to 



80 



JOHN BROWX 



England and there made the reeipient of roval favors, as 
others were. But he saw a duty and chose liberty for him- 
self and others and resolved to battle for it as stoutly as 
he might though hung for a traitor, as he wo\ild have been 
had the eau>^e failed and he had lived. lie left a widow 
and eleven children. 

Owen Brown, the son of the Revolutionary hero, mar- 
ried Ruth Mills. She was a teacher, and came of illus- 
trious ancestry, descending from a long line of God-fearing 
men, ministers of the gospel, and Revolutionary soldiers. 
The family was founded by Peter Mills,' an emigrant 
from Holland to Connecticut, and was one of the fir«t in 
that stable, solid, patriotic, and enterprising common- 
wealth. Owen BrouTi was a tanner and shoemaker, and 
lived at difTennt places in Connecticut to the year 1.S05, 
when he removed to Hudson, Ohio, in the Western Reserve. 
This was in fact a New Connecticut, and no equal area of 
our country has surpassed it in patriotic devotion to liberty 
or enterprise in prtKluctive industry. It has sUimped the 
impress of ita high purp'>«:c.s upon the civilization of the 
entire West. This is the result of the just principles, 
the upright lives, the rigid morality, and the uncompro- 
mising stand for the right and hostility to evil carried here 
by the sons of old Connecticut to serve as foundations 
for their institutions to be erected in the Western wilder- 
ness. 

Owen Brown first came to the Western Reserve in 1804, 
on a tour of observation, a journey preliminary to his 
final removal. He made his way with his family, in 1805, 
through Pennsylvania with an ox team. Hardships inci- 
dent to pioneer life beset Owen Brown. His wife died 



THE BROWXS A FAMILY OF PIOXEEKS 



81 



and he was subsequently married, and his second wife 
dying, he took a third. He had a large family. One of 
his sons, Salmon, "died in Xew Orleans with yellow fever. 
He was a lawyer, and editor of a French and English 
newspaper called the 'Xew Orleans Bee.' " 

The remarkable things to be observed of Owen Brown 
are, the pure and exalted Christian life he led, and the 
principles and purposes he instilled into his children. 
He " became acquainted with the business people and 
ministers in all parts of the Western Reserve." In his 
OAvn account of his life he says: "In 1807 (Feb. 13) 
Frederick, my sixth child, was born. I do not think of 
anything else to notice but the common blessings of health, 
peace, and prosperity, for which I would ever acknowledge 
the goodness of God with thanksgiving." He was a man 
of strong attachments. Forty years after the death of his 
wife, Ruth, he writes: "These were days of affliction. 
The remembrance of this scene makes my heart bleed now."' 
He was a home-lover : " I would say that the care of our 
families is the pleasantest and most useful business we 
can be in." The absence of a child caused him to suffer: 
"About this time my son Salmon was studying law in 
Pittsburg. I had great anxiety and many fears on his 
account." With Owen Brown the things of this life were 
counted as but dross : " I can say the loss or gain of 
property in a short time appears of but little consequence; 
they are momentary things, and will look very small in 
eternity." The justice of God as well as His mercy re- 
mained always before him : "January 29, 1832, my son 
Watson died, making a great breach in my family. He 
did not give evidence in health of being a Christian, but 



82 JOHN BBOWX 

was in great anxiety of mind in his sicknegg; \vc some- 
times hope he dieJ in Christ." At the age of seventy- 
eight he writes: " I have great reason for tliunksgiving." 
lie was a lifelong alxjlitionist In 1S50 he wrote: " I am 
an aholitionist.* I know we arc not loved by many- 
I have no confession to make for biing one." Every 
act of his life was ordered in the light he drew from the 
Scriptures and liis Christian experience. A few months 
before his death he wrote his son John: " 1 itol as 
though God was very merciful to keep such a gnat sinner 
on probation so h-ng. I atik all of you to pray more ear- 
nestly for the salvation of my soul than for the life of my 
body, and that I may give myself and all I have up to 
C'hri.-'t, and honor him by a sacrifice of all we have." 
His family remained unbroken, though widely scattered 
and often invaded by death, lie writes bis son : " I con- 
sider all my children in Kansas as one family." He was 
afilictcd with stammering or a stoppage in his speech; 
on tliis acount it was very painful to strangers to hear him 
talk. But there was one place where this defect disap- 
peared: in the services of the church, in his prayers, he 
was eloquent from fervency, and "his tongue was loosed" 
and he "spake with power." His life is fittingly described 
in the words, " He walked in the fear and admonition 
of the Lord." 

To this humble and devout man who lived daily in the 
sight of God and abased himself continually that his Master 
might not refuse to exalt him, was born a son while he yet 
lived in his native State of Connecticut. He notes this 
in the simple annals of his life: "In 1800, May 9, John 
was born, one hundred years after his great-grandfather." 



THE BEOWXS A FAMILY OF PIONEEES 83 

This son was John Bro\ATi, afterwards the liberator of the 
lowly, despised, oppressed and enslaved, and the martyr 
for a more perfect Union. Some one has said that the first 
requisite of greatness is to be born right. Another has 
said that the first indication of genius in a man is mani- 
fested in the selection of his parents. Still another has 
said that the time to begin to educate a child is a 
hundred years before it is born. The biographer of a 
great man has said : " I do not think a great man ever 
lived who was not born of a strong, naturally intellectual, 
poetic and emotional mother." As much as John Brown 
owed to his father, he owed still more to his mother. She 
was a woman of superior intelligence, deep and profound 
religious convictions, emotional, and of great strength of 
character. Her husband wrote of her : ''About this time I 
became acquainted with Ruth Mills (daughter of Rev. 
Gideon Mills), who was the choice of my affections ever 
after, though we were not married for more than two years. 
In March, 1793, we began to keep house; and here luas 
the heginning of days with me." * "We have seen that she 
was descended from a Hollander who was early in Con- 
necticut. The solid and enduring qualities of the Teuton 
were quickened and intensified in America, and enriched 
the character of the mother of John Brown. She died 
while he was yet a child, but his recollection of her was 
clear ; and the memory of her justice as well as of her love 
remained to him a priceless heritage." So complete was 
her influence over him and his love for her that he never 
ceased to feel her loss. In his " Life " written for the 
little son of George L. Stearns, he says : "At eight years 
old, John was left a motherless boy, which loss was com- 



84 JOHN BBOWX 

pletfi and permanent, for notwithstanding his father again 
married to a sensible, intelligent, and on manv accounts 
a very estimable woman, yt-t he i.< ' ' ' her m feel- 
ing, but coutinued to pine after hi- r for years." 

In this brief autobiography he has described his youth and 
early manhood with a charming simplicity and faitJiful- 
lu-'s whirh no otber can ever equal; and the reader is ex- 
h'.rt<(l to read and study it-* 

John Brown was taught from earliest childhood to "fear 
God and keep His commandments." lie rt-ceived no more 
education than fell to the lot of the average boy on tlie 
frontier, where schools wore few and necessarily inferior, 
lie acquired knowU>dge enough of mathematics to enable 
him to lx<xin)o a p'N>d 8ur\ryor of lands, and thii* 

he followed at intervals for years. He was of a 

and reflective disposition. The books which ho read were 
few, but the principles they inculcated were deeply pon- 
dered and became a part of b: ' ; they \. 

".-Ksr.p'g p'abU?," the ** Life of I • " Pilgr • 

Progress," the hymns of Dr. Watts, and above all, the 
Bible. Upon the teachings of this latter book he meditated 
both day and night; he was familiar with its every f •^• 
and principle. He could recite many parts of it, and ' 
readily turn to any portion referred to. He was particu- 
larly charmed with the beauties of the Old Testament; thr- 
stem old prophets denouncing tlie wickedness of the times 
had a peculiar fascination for him. 

It has been shown that the Brown family have Ix^n 
pioneers in America for almost three centuries. Thfv 
have been in the vanguard of advancing civilization in 
its march across the continent from sea to sea.' While 



THE BROWXS A FAMILY OF PIONEERS 85 

the frontier is always devoid of good schools, it possesses 
facilities for education in the practical affairs of life 
superior to those found in the elegant society of older com- 
munities. To develop sterling qualities of head and heart, 
no other place equals tlie frontier of a progressive and 
growing people. Hero man must always grapple with 
nature direct. Truth is not veiled with conventionalities, 
and here shams cannot exist. ^len stand before their 
fellows uncovered and in their true characters. Crime 
cannot be hidden nor virtue and worth concealed in a 
frontier settlement. The few conventionalities indulged 
are the simplest and those rendered most necessary by social 
custom and the law. Heart touches heart and man knows 
his fellow in every detail and relation of character; the 
business and inclinations of one are known to all and are 
usually the concern of all. All dealing and intercourse 
between men become direct and personal. The somber 
face of nature in winter, the lack of crowds and large 
assemblies of men, and the absence of strangers and strange 
things, all tend to develop the reflective faculties of the 
mind and to induce melancholy. Melancholy is the child 
of solitude, the parent of genius. Add to these influences 
and agencies a poetic temperament and a fearful sense of 
responsibility to a personal God "who numbers the hairs of 
your head" and will demand a strict accounting "at that 
day," and you have the environment that burned out the 
dross and sent John Browm forth with a character purged 
and refined as by fire. 

The heroic age of any country is that in which man 
meets and subdues the wilderness. Here in the subjection 
of the forest and wild beast, confidence is obtained. Men 



80 



JOHN BROWN 



from this school expect to succeed ; the overcoming of ob- 
Btaclcs is tlie dailv experience. Relations between men are 
exhibited in their true light and are sharply defined. ^Nferit 
alone brings approval. The frontier is a social democracy 
where nothing artificial or superfluous can exist. Men are 
jealous of their rights and the rights of others, and are im- 
patient of delays and restraints. Rude and exact justice ia 
demanded, and the manner of insuring it often shocks 
the disciples of formal conventionalities. In matters of 
character only the pure gold passes for anything; the false 
is not tolerated, and it is usually requested to move on; 
if it remains it is only by sufferance, and it must skulk 
and cower and sink to depths of public scorn unknown in 
more polite and well-ordered society. 

In this school was John Brown reared and well learned.' 
Other men of our country coming from this school were 
Wasliingtun, Franklin, Sevier, Shelby, Jefferson, Jack- 
son, Benton, Harrison, Corwin, Clay, Lincoln, and Lane. 
In the establishment and njaintenance of our Government 
these men have been the friends and bulwarks of human 
liberty. And our rank in the nations of the world and 
our phenomenal advancement along all the lines of mental 
and productive industry may be best accounti'd for by re- 
membering tliat we are a nation of pioneers, and yet 
attacking the primeval forest and plain with blade and 
saw and share. 

John Brown became a tanner, and worked in his father's 
service as foreman of his establishment. He had not at- 
tained his majority when he married, as he says, "a re- 
markably plain, but neat, industrious and economical girl; 



THE BEOWNS A FAMILY OF PIOXEEES 



87 



of excellent character, earnest piety, and good practical 
common-sense; about one year younger than himself." 
She was indeed all that he described her, and "by her 
mild, frank, and more than all else, by her very consistent 
conduct, acquired and ever while she lived maintained a 
most powerful and good influence over him. Her plain 
but kind admonitions generally had the right effect; 
vrithout arousing his haughty obstinate temper." Her 
name was Dianthe Lusk, and he seems to have regarded 
her with the same deep affection held by his father for 
his mother, Ruth Mills Bro^vn. Long after her death he 
said to his son, John, jr., " I feel sure that your mother 
is now with me and influencing me." Seven children 
were born to them.® After her death he married Mary 
Anne Day, daughter of Charles Day, of Whitehall, Xew 
York, but living at that time in Pennsylvania. Thirteen 
children blessed this marriage, but seven of them died in 
infancy and childhood.^*' She was the sheet-anchor of his 
hopes and the object of his anxious solicitude, the inspira- 
tion to exertion during the long years of his heroic battle 
against human bondage. She survived him more than 
twenty years, and died at the residence of her daughter 
in San Francisco, Cal. 

John Brown was laboring at the vocations of both tanner 
and surveyor before his marriage. He lived in his own 
house, having employed a housekeeper, a widow named 
Lusk, who brought her daughter, Dianthe Lusk, who be- 
came his first wife, as we have seen. In 1825 he moved 
to Pennsylvania, settling near Randolph (now Richmond), 
where he remained for ten years. He served as postmaster 
here for some years, and carried on a large tannery. He 



88 JOHN" BROWN 

took a leading part in tlie affairs of tlie commnnitj, and 
the neighborhood school was taught in a part of his huge 
log dwelling. He removed to Franklin Mills, Portage 
county, Ohio, in 1835. Here a speculation in village lot-s 
ruined him financially; he made an assignment and was 
discharged as a bankrupt, but afterwards paid much on 
the debts he was legally free from. Later he was an ex- 
tensive sheep-farmer; and from this business became a 
member of the firm of Perkins & Brown, wool merchants, 
with warehouses at Springfield, Massachusetts, to which 
city he moved in 1846. He became an expert grader of 
wool,^^ and might have succeeded in his enterprise but 
for the attempt to dictate the price of wool to the New 
England manufacturers; this caused him to take a large 
cargo of wool to England in August, 1849, which was 
finally sold for much less than it would have brought in 
Springfield. He traveled considerably in Europe, and 
visited for critical inspection and study some of the most 
famous battlefields. He returned to Springfield in Octo- 
ber. His reception by his partner was cordial, and he 
was urged to remain in business. He might have succeeded 
as a wool-factor, though he was not fitted by nature for a 
competitor in trade. And through all the years since 
1837 he had another purpose in life than the accumulation 
of property : he had in that year dedicated his remaining 
years to an aggressive battle against slavery, and had or- 
dered his life accordingly. 

On August 1, 1846, the anniversary of the emancipation 
of slaves in the "West Indies, Gerrit Smith offered to give 
one thousand acres of wild mountain land in the Adiron- 
dack Mountains of Xew York to such negroes as would 



THE BROWNS A FAMILY OF PIONEERS 



89 



accept, clear and cultivate farms there. The tracts were 
limited to forty acres in size, and a few families accepted 
them at once, though the severity of the climate and the 
hardships of pioneer life made it a discouraging venture 
for negroes. In April, 1848, John Brown called upon 
Smith and proposed to take one of the farms, go on it and 
build a home, and become an example to the few negro 
families then there and to those who might afterward come. 
He explained that pioneer life was familiar to him, and 
that he could be of much use and assistance to the colony 
in teaching the best means of surmounting difficulties en- 
countered in building homes in the wilderness. There is 
little doubt that he had other designs in mind, for he 
had, when a resident in Pennsylvania, proposed to his 
brother that they found some such colony as this now 
projected by Smith. The proposition was promptly ac- 
cepted by Mr. Smith, and Brown secured one or more sur- 
veys, and the refusal of others. Before the final settlement 
of his wool business he removed a portion of his family to 
Xortli Elba, Xew York, where his home always remained, 
and where he is buried. 

Like his father, John Brown was a tender and affec- 
tionate parent. '' Whenever he and I were alone, he never 
failed to give me the best of advice, just as a true and 
anxious mother would give a daughter," says Ruth. " He 
always seemed interested in my work. . . . When I 
was learning to spin he always praised me, if he saw that T 
was improving," she writes. And again : " Father used to 
hold all his children, while they were little, at night, and 
sing his favorite songs." She recorded the recollections 
of her baptism: " The first recollection I have of father 



90 JOHN BEOWN 

was being carried through a piece of woods on Sunday, 
to attend a meeting held at a neighbor's house. After we 
had been at the house a little while, father and mother 
stood up and held us, while the minister put water on our 
faces. After we sat down, father wiped my face with a 
bro^vn silk handkerchief with yellow spots on it in dia- 
mond shape. It seemed beautiful to me, and I thought 
how good he was to wipe my face with that pretty hand- 
kerchief. He showed a great deal of tenderness in that 
and other ways. He sometimes seemed very stern and 
strict with me; yet his tenderness made me forget that 
he was stern." He even accepted two-thirds of the punish- 
ment he felt due his son John, his sense of justice and 
duty not permitting him to have any of it omitted.^ ^ Even 
his daughters did not escape the rod ; " He used to whip 
me quite often for telling lies," one of them writes. His 
affection for his children was very great; it caused him 
to think of them constantly, and he was anxious on their 
account. Ruth received a letter from him when she was 
eighteen, from which we take the following : 

" I will just tell you what questions exercise my mind 
in regard to an absent daughter, and I will arrange them 
somewhat in order as I feel most their importance. 

'' ^^^lat feelings and motives govern her ? In what 
manner does she spend her time ? Who are her associates ? 
How does she conduct in word and action ? Is she improv- 
ing generally? Is she provided with such things as she 
needs, or is she in want? Does she enjoy herself, or is 
she lonely and sad ? Is she among real friends, or is she 
disliked and despised ? 

" Such are some of the questions which arise in the 
mind of a certain anxious father ; and if you have a 
satisfactory answer to them in your own mind, he can 
rest satisfied." 



THE BROWNS A FAMILY OF PIONEERS 



91 



She describes the sickness and death of her sister: 

"The little babe took a violent cold that ended in quick 
consumption, and she died at the end of April, 1849. 
Father showed much tenderness in the care of the little 
sufferer. He spared no pains in doing all that medical 
skill could do for her, together with the tenderest care 
and nursing. The time that he could be at home was 
mostly spent in caring for her. He sat up nights to keep 
an even temperature in the room, and to relieve mother 
from the constant care which she had through the day. He 
used to walk with the child and sing to her so much that 
she soon learned his step. When she heard him come 
up the steps to the door, she would reach out her hands 
and cry for him to take her. When his business at the 
wool store crowded him so much that he did not have time 
to take her, he would steal around through the woodshed 
into the kitchen to eat his dinner, and not go into the 
dining-room, where she could see or hear him. I used to 
be charmed myself with his singing to her. He noticed a 
change in her one morning, and told us that she would not 
live through the day, and came home several times to see 
her. A little before noon he came home, and looked at 
her and said, ' She is almost gone.' She heard him speak, 
opened her eyes, and put up her little wasted hands witli 
such a pleading look for him to take her that he lifted 
her from the cradle, with the pillows she was lying on, 
and carried her until she died. He was very calm, closed 
her eyes, folded her hands, and laid her in her cradle. 
When she was buried, father broke down completely, and 
sobbed like a child. It was very affecting to see him so 
overcome, when all the time before his great tender heart 
had tried to comfort our weary, sorrowing mother, and all 
of us." 13 

We give the private and domestic life of John Brown at 
some length that it may be fully known to the reader, on 



92 



JOHN BEOWN 



this account : a man is often best judged by the members 
of his own household. And if a man is strong with his 
neighbors or associates it may be taken as reasonably cer- 
tain that his life is correct and his actions just. The 
first question asked when a man's character is a matter of 
inquiry, is, " What do the people of his home, his castle, 
think and say of him ? " If at home he is strong in the 
affection and esteem of his family, friends, associates and 
neighbors, it is very sure that he is just. 

In addition to the books enumerated as being the favor- 
ites of John Brown his daughter adds " Plutarch's Lives," 
" Life of Oliver Cromwell," and " Baxter's Saint's Ever- 
lasting Best." She also mentions that greatest of all books, 
the Bible. He could, she says, repeat whole chapters and 
books from it. The stern and rigid righteousness of the 
old prophets was in accord with his own faith. He ordered 
his life by precepts taken from the Holy Word.^^ It has 
been said here that he sang well, and in his home he lifted 
his voice in song in the praise of God. His favorite 
hymns were, " Blow ye the trumpet, blow," " Why should 
we start, and fear to die," "Ah, lovely appearance of 
death ! " His religion entered into his daily life. When 
a tanner he was very careful to see that his leather was 
perfectly dry before being offered for sale. His voice was 
daily lifted in supplication at the family altar. On the 
plains of Kansas he cried to God for help and guidance, 
and no meal was eaten in his camp until the blessing of 
heaven was invoked upon it. 

Another feature of John Brown's life was his intense 
earnestness.^^ He early selected an object in life, or rather, 
it was selected by his training and the inherited tenden- 



THE BEOWNS A FAMILY OF FIONEERS 



93 



cies of his nature. He swore eternal war against slavery. 
Following are his own words : 

" During the war with England a circumstance oc- 
curred that in the end made him a most determined 
Abolitionist, and led him to declare, or swear, eternal war 
Avith Slavery. He was staying for a short time with a 
very gentlemanly landlord, since a United States Marshal, 
who held a slave boy near his own age, very active, intelli- 
gent, and good feeling, and to whom John was under con- 
siderable obligation for numerous little acts of kindness. 
The master made a great pet of John: brought him to 
table with his first company and friends; called their at- 
tention to every little smart thing he said or did, and to 
the fact of his being more than a hundred miles from home 
with a company of cattle alone; while the negro boy (who 
was fully if not more than his equal) was badly clothed, 
poorly fed and lodged in cold weather, and beaten before 
his eyes w^ith iron shovels or any other thing that came 
first to hand. This brought John to reflect on the wretched, 
hopeless condition of fatherless and motherless slave chil- 
dren; for such children have neither fathers nor mothers 
to protect and provide for them. He sometimes would 
raise the question, Is God their Father?" 

Eternal war with slavery! This subject was never 
absent from his mind; it abode with him; it glared in 
upon him ; it became a companion ever present. While 
he toiled in the tan-yard, when he traced the lines of 
tortuous survej's, in the care of his cattle, when he tended 
his sheep in the starlit night, in the counting-house in 
Xew England, — always and forever did this thing press 
upon him for action. " The cry of the poor " he heard 
ever appealing to him. About 1837 he assembled his 
household and laid before them this burden of his heart.^^ 
The time for action had come. In theory and practice 



94 



JOHN BEOWN 



he had always been an abolitionist. But this was not 
enough. Warfare was henceforth to be waged. His first 
soldiers were to be members of his own house; if he was 
strong at home he could not be weak anywhere. His 
course met the perfect approval of his family. Three 
of his sons (those old enough) consecrated themselves to 
this work by prayer. In this service the father was seen 
by his children to hneel for the first time, his uniform 
attitude in prayer having previously been that of "stand- 
ing with reverence before the throne." In a work so 
mighty it was meet that it be commenced in humility 
and in the strength of Him who turns to flight the armies 
of aliens. 

Defamers of John Brown have attempted to show that 
he was a Garrisonian ; nothing could be further from the 
truth, but it would have been nothing to his discredit had 
he been so. Garrison was not ten years old when John 
Brown swore eternal war with slavery. John Brown fol- 
lowed no man ; it was his intention and purpose to follow 
God. He took counsel of no man in marking his line of 
conduct. His father had become an enemy to slavery 
when a mere child — in the war of the Revolution, while 
his father was giving his life for liberty. The Brown 
family were abolitionists of the Brown school exclusively. 
If associated with others they were so only because others 
followed — the Browns led. From the period of the en- 
listment of his family in his cause, preparation was made 
against the time when they should be called to the field. 
Frederick Douglass found the family living in severe plain- 
ness at Springfield, although Brown's business was then 
prospering. ^^ Money saved to furnish a parlor was freely 



THE BROWNS A FAMILY OF FIONEERS 



95 



given to purchase clotliing for fugitive slaves at North 
Elba.^® In Europe the ancient battlefields were examined, 
and the guerilla warfare of the world was studied to 
obtain a knowledge of strategy that would aid in this con- 
flict that he had sworn. 

Here, then, is a man who believes in himself before 
other men; who finds strength in his arm only in propor- 
tion as he feels that he finds favor with God ; who is moved 
to tears at the unhappincss of his fellow-men in bonds; 
who, like Luther, could not if he would, turn from the 
appointed work; who consecrated his home a shrine to 
liberty ; who made this shrine an altar, and like the great 
patriarch, offered his sons thereon ; who asked nothing of 
any man he was not willing to freely give, no sacrifice he 
did not himself joyfully make; and who sealed with his 
blood the heroic faith in which he walked, — who received 
the crown of the martyr, and whose soul led the Nation as 
it marched to the higher plane of right, and liberty, and 
freedom for all. 



Note 1. — "Peter Brown the Pilgrim had his home in Buxbury, not 
far from the hill where Miles Standish built his house, and where 
his monument is now seen." — "John Broicn and His Men," Richard 
J. Einton, p. 10. 

Note 2. — "The direct ancestor of John Brown's mother, Ruth 
Mills, of Simsbury, was a Protestant Hollander, Peter Van Huy- 
senmuysen, who left the sturdy land when the Spanish Duke of 
Alva was harrying it. Settling in Connecticut, he built a mill and 
earned bread for his family. Hence the name Mills, under which the 
family passed into New England annals." — "John Broicn and Bis 
Men," Richard J. Einton, p. 11, 



96 



JOHN BROWN 



Note 3. — "I wish to tell how long I have been one, and how 
I became so. I have no hatred to negroes. When a child four or 
five years old, one of our nearest neighbors had a slave that was 
brought from Guinea. In the year 1776 my father was called into 
the army at New York, and left his work undone. In August, our 
good neighbor Captain John Fast, of West Simsbury, let my 
mother have the labor of his slave to plow a few days. I used to 
go into the field with this slave, — called Sam, — and he used to carry 
me on his back, and I fell in love with him. He worked but a 
few days, and went home sick with the pleurisy, and died very 
suddenly. When told that he would die, he said he should go to 
Guinea, and wanted victuals put up for the journey. As I recol- 
lect, this was the first funeral I ever attended in the days of my 
youth. There were but three or four slaves in West Simsbury. 
In the year 1790, when I lived with the Rev. Jeremiah Hallock, 
the Rev. Samuel Hopkins, D. D., came from Newport, and I heard 
him talking with Mr. Hallock about slavery in Rhode Island, and 
he denounced it as a great sin. I think in the same summer Mr. 
Hallock had sent to him a sermon or pamphlet-book, written by 
the Rev. Jonathan Edwards, then at New Haven. I read it, and 
it denounced slavery as a great sin. From this time I was anti- 
slavery, as much as I be now." — From Owen Brotvn's Account of 
his Life, published in "Life and Letters of John Broivn," F. B. 
Sanborn, p. 10. 

Note 4. — This and the foregoing quotations concerning Owen 
Brown are from the narrative or sketch of his life written by 
himself, and published in Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. 
Sanborn, p. 4 and following. 

Note 5. — "1 cannot tell you anything of the first four years of 
John's life worth mentioning, save that at that early age he was 
tempted by three large brass pins belonging to a girl who lived 
in the family, and stole them. In this he was detected by his 
mother, and after having a full day to think of the wrong, received 
from her a thorough whipping." — John Brown's account of hi^ life, 
tcritten to the son of George L. Stearns, Esq.; quoted from "Life 
and Letters of John Broivn," F. B. Sanhorn, p. 12. 



Note 6. — It can be found in Life and Letters of John Brown, 
F. B. Sanborn; John Brown and His Men, Richard J. Hinton; and 
the Life of Captain John Brown, James Redpath. 



THE BKOWNS A FAMILY OF PIONEEES 



97 



Note 7. — Many of the Brow-n family now live in California, 
■where they went many years ago. 



Note 8. — "He did not go to Harvard. He was not fed on the 
pap that is there furnished. As he phrased it, 'I know no more 
grammar than one of your calves.' But he went to the University 
of the West, where he studied the science of Liberty; and, having 
taken his degrees, he finally commenced the public practice of 
humanity in Kansas. Such were his humanities — he would have 
left a Greek accent slanting the wrong way, and righted up a 
falling man." — Henry D. Thoreau. Quoted from "Life of Captain 
John Broun," James Redpath, p. 27. 



Note 9. — "The children of his first marriage were born, married, 
and died as follows: 

"John Brown, jr., born July 25, 1821, at Hudson, Ohio; mar- 
ried Wealthy C. Hotchkiss, July, 1847. 

"Jason Brown, Jan. 19, 1823, at Hudson, Ohio; married Ellen 
Snerbondy, July, 1847. 

"Owen Brown, Nov. 4, 1824, at Hudson (never married). 

"Frederick Brown (1), Jan. 9, 1827, at Richmond, Pa.; died 
March 31, 1831. 

"Ruth Brown, Feb. 18, 1829, at Richmond, Pa.; married Henry 
Thompson, Sept. 26, 1850. 

"Frederick Brown (2), Dec. 31, 1830, at Richmond, Pa.; mur- 
dered at O&awatomie by Rev. Martin White, Aug. 30, 185G. 

"An infant son, Aug. 7, 1832; was buried with his mother three 
days after his birth, at Richmond, Pa." — "Life and Letters of 
John Broicn," F. B. Sanborn, p. 35. 



Note 10. — "Children of John Brown and his wife Mary: 

"Sarah Brown, born May 11, 1834, at Richmond, Pa.; died Sept. 
23, 1843. 

"Watson Brown, born Oct. 7, 1835, at Franklin, Ohio; married 
Isabella M. Thompson, Sept. 1856; killed at Harper's Ferry, Oct. 
19, 1859. 

"Salmon Brown, born Oct. 2, 1836, at Hudson, Ohio; married 
Abbie C. Hinckley, Oct. 15, 1857. 

"Charles Brown, born Nov. 3, 1837, at Hudson, Ohio; died Sept. 
11, 1843. 

—7 



98 JOHN BEOWN 

"Oliver Brown, born March 9, 1839, at Franklin, Ohio; married 
Martha E. Brewster, April 7, 1858; killed at Harper's Ferry, 
Oct. 17, 1859. 

"Peter Brown, born Dec. 7, 1840, at Hudson, Ohio; died Sept. 22, 
1843. 

"Austin Brown, born Sept. 14, 1842, at Richfield, Ohio; died 
Sept. 27, 1843. 

"Anne Brown, born Dec. 23, 1843, at Richfield, Ohio. 

"Amelia Brown, born June 22, 1845, at Aliron, Ohio; died Oct. 
30, 1846. 

"Sarah Brown, born Sept. 11, 1846, at Akron, Ohio. 

"Ellen Brown, born May 20, 1848, at Springfield, Mass.; died 
April 30, 1849. 

"Infant son, born April 26, 1852, at Akron, Ohio; died May 17, 
1852. 

"Ellen Brown, born Sept. 25, 1854, at Akron, Ohio." — "Life and 
Letters of John Brown," F. B. Sanborn, p. 43. 



Note 11. — "He was noted among the wool-dealers for the delicacy 
of his touch in sorting the different qualities and his skill in 
testing them when submitted to him. Give him three samples of 
■\vool, — one grown in Ohio, another in Vermcnt, and a third iu 
Saxony, — and he would distinguish them from each other in the 
dark, by his sense of touch. Some Englishmen, during his sojourn 
abroad, put this power to the test in an amusing manner. One 
evening, in company with several English wool-dealers, each of 
whom had brought samples in his pocket. Brown was giving his 
opinion as to the best use to which certain grades and qualities 
should be put. One of the party very gravely drew a sample from 
his pocket, handed it to the Yankee farmer, and asked him what he 
would do with such wool as that. Brown took it, and had only to 
roll it between his fingers to know that it had not the minute hooks 
by which the fibers of wool are attached to each other. 'Gentlemen,' 
said he, 'if you have any machinery in England that will work up 
dog's hair, I advise you to put this into it.' The jocose Briton had 
sheared a poodle and brought the fleece with him; but the laugh 
went against him when Brown handed back his precious sample." — 
"Life and Letters of John Broicn," F. B. Sanborn, p. 10. 



Note 12. — "My first apprenticeship to the tanning business con- 
sisted of a three-years course at grinding bark with a blind horse. 



THE BKOWNS A FAMILY OF PIONEERS 



99 



This, after months and years, became slightly monotonous. While 
the other children were out at play in the sunshine, where the birds 
were singing, I used to be tempted to let the old horse have a 
rather long rest, especially when father was absent from home; 
and I would then join the others at their play. This subjected 
me to frequent admonitions and to some corrections for 'eye-service,' 
as father termed it. I did not fully appreciate the importance of 
a good supply of ground bark, and on general principles I think 
my occupation was not well calculated to promote a habit of faith- 
ful industry. The old blind horse, unless ordered to stop, would, 
like Tennyson's Brook, 'go on forever,' and thus keep up the ap- 
pearance of business; but the creaking of the hungry mill would 
betray my neglect, and then father, hearing this from below, would 
come up and stealthily pounce upon me while at a window looking 
upon outside attractions. He finally grew tired of these frequent 
slight admonitions for my laziness and other shortcomings, and 
concluded to adopt with me a sort of book-account, something like 
this: 

John, Dr., « 

For disobeying mother 8 lashes. 

For unfaithfulness at work... 3 lashes. 

For telling a lie 8 lashes. 

This account he showed me from time to time. On a certain 
Sunday morning he invited me to accompany him from the house 
to the tannery, saying that he had concluded it was time for a 
settlement. We went into the upper or finishing room, and after 
a long and tearful talk over my faults, he again showed me my 
account, which exhibited a fearful footing-up of debits. I had no 
credits or off-sets, and was of course bankrupt. I then paid about 
one-third of the debt, reckoned in strokes from a nicely prepared 
blue-beech switch, laid on 'masterly.' Then, to my utter astonish- 
ment, father stripped off his shirt, and, seating himself on a block, 
gave me the whip and bade me 'lay it on' to his bare back. I dared 
not refuse to obey, but at first I did not strike hard. 'Harder!' ha 
said J 'harder, harder!' until he received the balance of the account. 
Small drops of blood showed on his back where the tip end of the 
tingling beech cut through. Thus ended the account and settle- 
ment, which was also my first practical illustration of the doctrine 
of the Atonement. I was then too obtuse to perceive how justice 
could be satisfied by inflicting penalty upon the back of the inno- 
cent instead of the guilty; but at that time I had not read the 



100 JOHN BROWN 

ponderous volumes of Jonathan Edwards's sermons which father 
owned." — "Life and Letters of John Brown," F. B. Sanhorn, -pp. 
92-93. 

Note 13. — The quotations from Ruth Brown are given from her 
statements in Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn. 



Note 14. — "His favorite passages were these, as near as I can 
remember : 

" 'Remember them that are in bonds as bound with them.' 

" 'Whoso stoppeth his ear at the cry of tlie poor, he also shall 
cry himself, but shall not be heard.' 

"'He that hath a bountiful eye shall be blessed; for he giveth 
his bread to the poor.' 

" 'A good name is rather to be chosen than great riches, and 
loving favor rather than silver and gold.' 

"'Whoso mocketh the poor, reproacheth his Maker; and he that 
is glad at calamities, shall not be unpunished.' 

" 'He that hath pity upon the poor lendeth to the Lord, and 
that which he hath given will He pay to him again.' 

" 'Give to him that asketh of thee, and from him that would 
borrow of thee turn not thou away.' 

"'A righteous man regardeth the life of his beast; but the ten- 
der mercies of the wicked are cruel.' 

" 'Withhold not good from them to whom it is due, when it 
is in the power of thy hand to do it.' 

"'Except the Lord build the house, they labor in vain that 
build it; except the Lord keepeth the city, the watchman walketh 
in vain.' 

" 'I hate vain thoughts, but thy law do I love.' 

"The last chapter of Ecclesiastes was a favorite one, and on 
Fast-days and Thanksgivings he used very often to read the fifty- 
eighth chapter of Isaiah. 

"When he would come home at night, tired out with labor, he 
would, before going to bed, ask some of the family to read chapters 
(as was his usual course night and morning) ; and would almost 
always say, 'Read one of David's Psalms.' " — Life and Letters of 
John Brown," F. B. Sanborn, p. 39. 



, Note 15. — "I wish you to have some definite plan. Many seem 
to have none, and others never stick to any that they do form. 



THE BROWNS A FAMILY OF PIONEERS 



101 



This was not the case with John. He followed up ^\^th tenacity 
whatever he set about so long as it answered his general purpose, 
and hence ho rarely failed in some good degree to effect the things 
he undertook. This was so much the case that he hahitually ex- 
pected to succeed in his undertakings. With this feeling should be 
coupled the consciousness that our plans are right in themselves." — 
"Life and Letters of John Broicn," F. B. Sanborn, p. 16. 



Note 1G. — Sanborn fixes this date. As early as 1834 he wrote a 
letter to his brother Frederick upon the subject of slavery, which 
the reader is requested to read. It is published in Life and Letters 
of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, pp. 40, 41. 



Note 17. — Life and Letters of John Broun, F. B. Sanborn, p. 66. 



Note 18.— Li/e and Letters of John Broicn, F. B. Sanborn, p. 100. 



CIIAPTEE IV. 

JOHN BROWN AND THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW. 



"Awake the burning scorn! 

The vengeance long and deep, 
That, till a better morn. 

Shall neither tire nor sleep! 
Swear once again the vow, 

freeman! dare to do! 
God's will is ever now! — 

May His thy will renew! " 

While the whole country acquiesced in that feature 
of the Compromise of 1850 relating to fugitive slaves, 
known as the Fugitive Slave Law, it was never satisfac- 
tory to the ISTorth. There were those harsh and overbear- 
ing elements in it that made it seem as though the entire 
Korth was harnessed to be driven in the disreputable in- 
terest of the haughty, triumphant and intolerant South. 
But the country was at the time prosperous, and trade was 
expanding. Business men everywhere hailed with delight 
any measure which promised a settlement of the differ- 
ences which had arisen between the two sections of the 
country. This Compromise contained many provisions of 
more consequence than the Fugitive Slave Law. One of 
these was the principle which Senator Douglas embodied 
in his Kansas-Nebraska Bill, and which became famous 

as "squatter sovereignty." These jDrovisions were lost to 

(102) 



THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW 



103 



view for the first years after the Compromise of 1850, be- 
cause of the attention engrossed by the law for rctnniing 
fugitive slaves to their masters. 

The Fugitive Slave Law grew in clis''avor in the Xorth 
as the effects of its enforcement were observed. Afore 
slaves were seized and returned during the first year of 
its existence than had been carried back during the pre- 
vious half century. Riots sometimes followed these seiz- 
ures, caused by the brutality of the slave-hunters. The 
rewards and the opportunity to defraud the Government 
in the execution of the law enlisted the lowest and most 
desperate characters in the work of slave-hunting.^ Kid- 
nappers also developed under its provisions. Many ne- 
groes of the Xorth, having either purchased their freedom 
or descended from free parents, had accumulated property 
and reared families. These were taken, often in the most 
brutal manner, and carried again to the South.^ Some- 
times their first intimation of the presence of kidnappers 
were blows which prostrated and disabled them.^ Courts 
afforded them no protection. Indeed, it seemed that the 
courts were all in the interest of the man-stealers."* The 
victims were hurried South and sold again into bondage. 
Or perhaps they had been born of free parents in the 
Xorth, and now found themselves as cruelly and remorse- 
lessly sold into slavery as had been their ancestors cen- 
turies before." 

Dissatisfaction with the law and its execution increased 
in the Xorth. Humane men cried out against being made 
by enactment slave-hunters for the drivers and masters of 
the South. The fugitives were sometimes rescued, and 
the moral forces in the Xorth became more and more 



104 



JOHN BEOWN 



antagonistic to the law. The "underground railway" was 
made more secure and rendered more effective. The best 
people sought opportunities to assist slaves to Canada ; 
many free negroes removed there from fear of the kid- 
nappers. 

At that time John Brown had not fully settled his af- 
fairs in Springfield, Massachusetts, although his family 
were living in the Adirondacks. He was always outspoken 
against the Fugitive Slave Law. He favored resistance 
to it. Being alwaj-s practical in his opposition to slavery 
in all its forms, he advised organized resistance to this 
tyrannical law which was so humiliating to every self- 
respecting man in the North. He believed that the white 
people could lend such aid and encouragement to the help- 
less and outraged negroes that they would resist the kid- 
nappers who would sell them again into bondage. In this 
belief and for this purpose he organized the " United 
States League of Gileadites," the principles and purposes 
of which will fully appear in the following writings : 

WORDS OF ADVICE.' 

Branch of the United States League of Gileadites. Adopted January 
15, 1851, as ivritten and recommended by John Brown. 

" UNION IS STRENGTH." 

Nothing so charms the American people as personal 
bravery. Witness the case of Cinques, of everlasting mem- 
ory, on board the ''Amistad." The trial for life of one 
bold and to some extent successful man, for defending his 
rights in good earnest, would arouse more sympathy 
throughout the nation than the accumulated wrongs and 
sufferings of more than three millions of our submissive 
colored population. We need not mention the Greeks 
struggling against the oppressive Turks, the Poles against 



THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW 



105 



Russia, nor the Hungarians against Austria and Russia 
combined, to prove this. No jury can he found in the 
Northern States that would convict a man for defending 
his rights to the last extremity. This is loell understood 
hy Southern Congressmen, who insisted that the right of 
ti-ial hy jury should not he granted to the fugitive. Col- 
ored people have ten times the number of fast friends 
among the whites than they suppose, and would have ten 
times the number they now have were they but half as 
much in earnest to secure their dearest rights as they 
are to ape the follies and extravagances of their white 
neighbors, and to indulge in idle show, in ease, and in 
luxury. Just think of the money expended by individuals 
in your behalf in the past twenty years! Think of the 
number who have been mobbed and imprisoned on your 
account! Have any of you seen the Branded Hand? 
Do you remember the names of Lovejoy and Torrey ? 

Should one of your number be arrested, you must col- 
lect together as quickly as possible, so as to outnumber 
your adversaries who are taking an active part against 
you. Let no able-bodied man appear on the ground un- 
equipped, or with his weapons exposed to view: let that 
be understood beforehand. Your plans must be known 
only to yourself, and with the understanding that all 
traitors must die, wherever caught and proven guilty. 
" Whosoever is fearful or afraid, let him return and part 
early from Mount Gilead." (Judges, vii. 3 ; Deut. xx. 8.) 
Give all cowards an opportunity to show it on condition 
of holding their peace. Do not delay one moment after 
you are ready ; you will lose all your resolution if you do. 
Let the first blow he the signal for all to engage; and when 
engaged do not your work hy halves, hut make clean work 
with your enemies, — and he sure you meddle not with any 
others. By going about your business quietly, you will get 
the job disposed of before the number that an uproar would 
bring together can collect ; and you will have the advan- 



106 



JOHINT BEOWN 



tage of those who come out against von, for they will be 
wholly nnprepared with either equipments or matured 
plans; all with them will be confusion and terror. Your 
enemies will be slow to attack you after you have done up 
the work nicely; and if they should, they will have to 
encounter your white friends as well as you ; for you may 
safely calculate on a division of the whites, and may by 
that means get an honorable parley. 

Be firm, determined, and cool ; but let it be understood 
that you are not to be driven to desperation without mak- 
ing it an awful dear job to others as well as to you. 
Give them to know distinctly that those who live in 
wooden houses should not throw fire, and that you are 
just as able to suffer as your white neighbors. After effect- 
ing a rescue, if you are assailed, go into the houses of your 
most prominent and influeritial tvhite friends with your 
wives; and that will effectually fasten upon them the sus- 
picion of being connected unth you, and will compel them 
to nmke a common cause with you, whether they would 
otherwise live up to their profession or not. This would 
leave them no choice in the matter. Some would doubt- 
less prove themselves true to their own choice ; others 
would flinch. That would be taking them at their own 
words. You may make a tumult in the court-room where 
a trial is going on, by burning gunpowder freely in paper 
packages, if you cannot think of any better way to create 
a momentary alarm, and might possibly give one or more 
of your enemies a hoist. But in such case the prisoner 
will need to take the hint at once, and bestir himself ; and 
so should his friends improve the opportunity for a gen- 
eral rush. 

A lasso might possibly be applied to a slave-catcher for 
once with good effect. Hold on to your weapons, and 
never be persuaded to leave them, part with them, or have 
them far away from you. Stand by one another and hy 
your friends, while a drop of hlood remains; and he 



THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW 



107 



hanged, if you must, hut tell no tales out of school. Make 
no confession. 

Union is strength. Without some well-digested ar- 
rangements nothing to any good purpose is likely to be 
done, let the demand be never so great. Witness the ease 
of Hamlet and Long in New York, when there was no 
well-defined plan of operations or suitable preparations 
beforehand. 

The desired end may be effectually secured by the means 
proposed, namely, the enjoyment of our inalienable rights. 

AGREEMENT. 

As citizens of the United States of America, trusting 
in a just and merciful God, whose spirit and all-powerful 
aid we humbly implore, we luill ever he true to the flag 
of our heloved country, always acting under it. We, whose 
names are hereunto affixed, do constitute ourselves a 
branch of the United States League of Gileadites. That 
we will provide ourselves at once with suitable implements, 
and will aid those who do not possess the means, if any 
such are disposed to join us. We invite every colored 
person whose heart is engaged in the performance of our 
business, whether male or female, old or young. The duty 
of the aged, infirm, and young members of the League 
shall be to give instant notice to all members in case of 
an attack upon any of our people. We agree to have no 
officers except a treasurer and secretary pro tern., until 
after some trial of courage and talent of able-bodied mem- 
bers shall enable us to elect officers from those who shall 
have rendered the most important services. Is'othing but 
■wisdom and undaunted courage, efficiency, and general 
good conduct shall in any way influence us in electing 
our officers. 



108 



JOHN" BROWN" 



RESOLUTIONS. 
Resolutions of the Springfield Branch of the United States League 
of Gileadites. Prepared by John Brown, and adopted loth Janu- 
ary, 1851. 

1. Resolved, That "^ve, whose names are affixed, do con- 
stitute ourselves a Branch of the United States League, 
under the above name. 

2. Resolved, That all business of this branch be con- 
ducted with the utmost quiet and good order : that we in- 
dividually provide ourselves with suitable implements 
without delay; and that we will sufficiently aid those who 
do not possess the means, if any such are disposed to 
join us. 

3. Resolved, That a committee of one or more discreet, 
influential men be appointed to collect the names of all 
colored persons whose heart is engaged for the perform- 
ance of our business, whether male or female, whether 
old or young. 

4. Resolved, That the appropriate duty of all aged, in- 
firm, female, or youthful members of this Branch is to 
give instant notice to all other members of any attack upon 
the rights of our people, first informing all able-bodied men 
of this League or Branch, and next, all well-known friends 
of the colored people; and that this information he con- 
fined to such alone, that there may be as little excitement 
as possible, and no noise in so doing. 

5. Resolved, That a committee of one or more discreet 
persons be appointed to ascertain the condition of colored 
persons in regard to implements, and to instruct others in 
regard to their conduct in any emergency. 

6. Resolved, That no other officer than a treasurer, with 
a president and secretary pro tern., be appointed by this 
Branch, until after some trial of the courage and talents 
of able-bodied members shall enable a majority of the 
members to elect their officers from those who shall have 
rendered the most important services. 

7. Resolved, That, trusting in a just and merciful God^ 



THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW 



lOd 



whose spirit and all-powerful aid we humbly implore, we 
will most chGerfully and heartily support and obey such 
officers, when chosen as before ; and that nothing but 
wisdom, undaunted eourage, efficiency, and general good 
conduct shall in any degree influence our individual votes 
in case of such election. 

8. Besolved, That a meeting of all the members of this 
Branch shall be immediately called for the purpose of 
electing officers (to be chosen by ballot) after the first trial 
shall have been made of the qualifications of individual 
members for such command, as before mentioned. 

9. Resolved, That as citizens of the United States of 
America we will ever be found true to the flag of our 
beloved country, always acting under it. 

This Branch consisted of forty-four members, all of 
whom signed the Agreement and Resolutions. 

THE NEGRO SHOWN HIS ERRORS. 

Some time before the organization of the United Stated 
League of Gileadites, Brown had undertaken to point 
out to negroes in the !N'orth their faults in their procedure 
against slavery. He believed in the use of tracts, and 
those short, sharp compositions which carried conviction 
and were unanswerable. To show the negroes their mis- 
takes, that they might correct them, and be the better 
enabled to struggle effectively for their freedom, he wrote 
and published '' Sambo's Mistakes," one of the quaintest 
and aptest of all his papers: 

sambo's mistakes.'' 

Messrs. Editors, — Notwithstanding I may have com- 
mitted a few mistakes in the course of a long life, like 
others of my colored brethren, yet you will perceive at a 
glance that I have always been remarkable for a season- 



110 



JOHN BEOWISr 



able discovery of mj errors and quick perception of the 
true course. I propose to give you a few illustrations in 
this and the following chapters. 

For instance, when I was a boy I learned to read; but 
instead of giving my attention to sacred and profane his- 
tory, by which I might have become acquainted with the 
true character of God and of man ; learned the true course 
for individuals, societies, and nations to pursue; stored 
my mind with an endless variety of rational and prac- 
tical ideas ; j)rofited by the experience of millions of others 
of all ages; fitted myself for the most important stations 
in life, and fortified my mind with the best and wisest 
resolutions, and noblest sentiments and motives, — I have 
spent my whole life devouring silly novels and other mis- 
erable trash, such as most newspapers of the day and other 
popular writings are filled with; thereby unfitting myself 
for the relations of life, and acquiring a taste for nonsense 
and low wit, so that I have no relish for sober truth, useful 
knowledge, or practical wisdom. By this means I have 
passed through life witliout profit to myself or others, a 
mere blank on which nothing worth perusing is written. 
But I can see in a twink where I missed it. 

Another error into whrch I fell in early life was the 
notion that chewing and smoking tobacco would make a 
man of me, but little inferior to some of the whites. The 
money I spent in this way would, with the interest of it, 
have enabled me to have relieved a great many sufferers, 
supplied me with a M^ell-selected, interesting library, and 
paid for a good farm for the supjDort and comfort of my 
old age; whereas I have now neither books, clothing, the 
satisfaction of having benefitted others, nor where to lay 
my hoary head. But I can see in a moment where I 
missed it. 

Another of the few errors of my life is, that I have 
joined the Free Masons, Odd Fellows, Sons of Temper- 
ance, and a score of other secret societies, instead of seek- 



THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW 



111 



ing the company of intelligent, wise, and good men, from 
whom I might have learned much that would be interest- 
ing, instructive, and useful; and have in that way squan- 
dered a great amount of most precious time, and money 
enough, sometimes in a single year, which if I had then 
put the same out on interest and kept it so, would have 
kept me always abovehoard, given me character and in- 
fluence among men, or have enabled me to pursue some 
respectable calling, so that I might employ others to their 
benefit and improvement ; but, as it is, I have always 
been poor, in debt, and now obliged to travel about in 
search of employment as a hostler, shoe-black, and fiddler. 
But I retain all my quicloiess of perception; I can see 
readily where I missed it. 

II- 

Another error of my riper years has been, that when 
any meeting of colored people has been called to order to 
consider of any important matter of general interest, I 
have been so eager to display my spouting talents, and so 
tenacious of some trifling theory or other that I have 
adopted, that I have generally lost all sight of the business 
in hand, consumed the time disputing about things of no 
moment, and thereby defeated entirely many important 
measures calculated to promote the general welfare; but 
I am happy to say I can see in a minute where I missed it. 

Another small error of my life (for I never commit- 
ted great blunders) has been that I never would (for 
the sake of the union in the furtherance of the most vital 
interest of our race) yield any minor point of difference. 
In this way I have always had to act with but a few, or 
more frequently alone, and could accomplish nothing 
worth living for; but I have one comfort, — I can see in a 
minute where I missed it. 

Another little fault which I have committed is, that 
if anvthing another man has failed of coming up to my 
standard, notwithstanding that he might possess many of 



112 JOHN BEOWN 

the most valuable traits, and be most admirably adapted 
to fill some one important post, I would reject him en- 
tirely, injure his influence, oppose his measures, and even 
glory in his defeats, while his intentions were good, and 
his plans well laid. But I have the great satisfaction of 
being able to say, without fear of contradiction, that I 
can see very quick where I missed it. 

III. 

Another small mistake which I have made is, that I 
could never bring myself to practice any present self- 
denial, although my theories have been excellent. For 
instance, I have bought expensive gay clothing, nice 
canes, watches, safety-chains, finger-rings, breastpins, 
and many other things of a like nature, thinking I might 
by that means distinguish myself from the vulgar, as some 
of the better class of whites do. I have always been of 
the foremost in getting up expensive parties, and running 
after fashionable amusements ; have indulged my appe- 
tite freely whenever I had the means (and even with bor- 
rowed means) ; have patronized the dealers in nuts, candy, 
etc., freely, and have sometimes bought good suppers, and 
was always a regular customer at livery stables. By these, 
and many other means, I have been unable to benefit my 
suffering brethren, and am now but poorly able to keep my 
own soul and body together ; but do not think me thought- 
less or dull of apprehension, for I can see at once where 
I missed it. 

Another trifling error of my life has been, that I have 
always expected to secure the favor of the whites by tamely 
submitting to every species of indignity, contempt, and 
wrong, instead of nobly resisting their brutal aggressions 
from principle, and taking my place as a man, and assum- 
ing the responsibilities of a man, a citizen, a husband, a 
father, a brother, a neighbor, a friend, — as God requires 
of every one (if his neighbor will allow him to do it) ; 
but I find that I get, for all my submission, about the 



THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW 



113 



same reward that the Southern slaveocrats render to the 
dougli-faccd statesmen of the North, for being bribed and 
browbeat and fooled and cheated, as the Whigs and Dem- 
ocrats love to be, and think themselves highly honored if 
they may be allowed to lick up the spittle of a Southerner. 
I say I get the same reward. But I am uncommon quick- 
sighted ; I can see in a minute where I missed it. 

Another little blunder which I made is, that while I 
have always been a most zealous Abolitionist, I have been 
constantly at war with my friends about certain religious 
tenets. I was first a Presbyterian, but could never think 
of acting with my Quaker friends, for they were the rank- 
est heretics ; and the Baptists would be in the water, and 
the Methodists denied the doctrine of the Election, etc. 
Of later years, since becoming enlightened by Garrison, 
Abby Kelly, and other really benevolent persons, I have 
been spending all my force on my friends who love the 
Sabbath, and have felt that all was at stake on that point ; 
just as it has proved to be of late in France, in the aboli- 
tion of slavery in their colonics. Now I cannot doubt, 
Messrs. Editors, notwithstanding I have been unsuccess- 
ful, that you will allow me full credit for my peculiar 
quick-sightedness. I can see in one second where I missed 
it. 



Note 1. — "In one instance, a negro, near Edwardsville, Ills., who 
had been employed in the work of capturing several alleged 
fugitives, finally met a white man on the highwaj', presented a pis- 
tol, and arrested him as a runaway slave, for whom a reward of 
$200 had been offered. The white man happened, however, to be 
acquainted iu Edwardsville, and was thus enabled to establish his 
right to himself." — "The American Conflict," Horace Greeley, Vol. 
I, p. 218. 

Note 2. — "Of course, a law afTording such facilities and tempta- 
—8 



114 JOHN BEOWN 

tions to kidnapping was not allowed to pass unimproved by tlie 
numerous villains who regarded negroes as the natural and lawful 
prey of whites under all circumstances. The Kentucky Yeoman, 
a Democratic Pro-Slavery organ, once remarked that the work of 
arresting fugitives had become a regular business along the border 
line between the Slave and Free States, and that some of those en- 
gaged in it were not at all particular as to the previous slavery or 
freedom of those arrested. How could it be expected that they should 
be? In many instances, free colored girls were hired for household 
service at some point distant from that where they had previously 
resided, and were known; and, being thus unsuspectingly spirited 
away from an who could identify them, were hurried oflf into slav- 
ery. Sometimes, though not often, negroes were tempted by heavy 
bribes to betray their brethren into the hands of the slave-hunter?. 
In one instance, a clerk in a drj'-goods store in western New York, 
who was of full age, a member of a church, and had hitherto borne 
a respectable character, hired two colored boys to work for him 
in a hotel in Ohio, and on his way thither sold them as fugitive 
Slaves to three Kentuckians, who appear to have believed his repre- 
sentations." — "The American Conflict" Horace Greeley, Vol. /, p. 
219. 

Note 3. — "The needless brutality with which these seizures were 
otten made, tended to intensify the popular repugnance which they 
occasioned. In repeated instances, the first notice the alleged fugi- 
tive had of his peril was given him by a blow on the head, sometimes 
with a heavy club or stick of wood; and, being thus knocked down, 
he was carried, bleeding and insensible, before the facile commis- 
sioner, who made short work of identifying him, and earning his 
ten dollars, by remanding him into slavery. In Columbia, Pa., 
March, 1852, a negro named William Smith was seized as a fugitive 
by a Baltimore police officer, while working in a lumber-yard, and, 
attempting to escape, the officer drew a pistol and shot him dead. 
In Wilkesbarre, Pa., a deputy marshal and three or four Virgin- 
ians suddenly came upon a nearly white mulatto waiter at a hotel, 
and, falling upon him from behind with a club, partially shackled 
him. He fought them off with the handcuff which they had secured 
to his right wrist, and covered with blood, rushed from the house 
and plunged into the Susquehanna, exclaiming: 'I will be drowned 



THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW 115 

rather than taken alive!' lie was pursued to the river-bank, and 
thence fired upon repeatedly, at a very short distance, as he stood 
in the water, up to his neck, until a ball entered his head, in- 
stantly covering his face with blood. The bystanders, who had by 
this time collected, were disgusted and indignant, and the hunters, 
fearing their interposition, retired for consultation. He there- 
upon came out of the water, apparently dying, and lay down on the 
shore. One of his pursuers remarked that "dead niggers were not 
worth Uiking South.' His clothes having been torn off in the scuflle, 
some one brought a pair of pantaloons, and put them on him, and 
he was helped to his feet by a negro named Rex; on seeing which, 
the hunters returned and presented their revolvers, driving him again 
into the river, where he remained more than an hour, with only his 
head above the water. His claimants dared not come within his 
powerful grasp. As he afterward said, 'he would have died con- 
tented, could he have carried two or three of them down with him.' 
And the hunters were deterred or shamed by the spectators from 
further firing. Preparations being made to arrest them as rioters, 
they absconded; whereupon their victim waded some distance up the 
stream, and was soon after found by some women, lying flat on his 
face in a cornfield, insensible. He was then duly cared for, and his 
wounds dressed, which was the last that was seen of him." — "The 
American Conflicl,'' Horace Greeley, Vol. I, p. 216. 



Note 4. — "In one leading case, the court ruled, in eflfcct, that the 
petitioner being young, and in bad health, and probably unadvised 
of the constitutional provision of that State making all its inhabit- 
ants free, 'is permitted to take Archy back to Mississippi.' An old 
lawyer dryly remarked, while all around were stigmatizing this 
decision as atrocious, that 'he thought it a very fair compromise, 
since it gave the law to the North and the negro to the Soutli.' 

"On Sunday', January 27, 185G, two slaves, with their wives and 
four children, escaped from Boone county, Ky., drove si.xteen miles 
to Covington, and crossed to Cincinnati on the ice. They were 
missed before nightfall, and the master of five of them followed 
rapidly on horseback. After a few hours' inquiry, he traced them 
to the house of a negro named Kite, and, procuring the necessary 
warrants, with a mars.hal and assistants, proceeded thither on 
Monday. He summoned them to surrender. They refused. Where- 



116 JOHN BEOWN 

upon the officers broke in the door, and were assailed with clubs and 
pistols by the desperate fugitives. Only one of the marshal's depu- 
ties was struck, and he not seriously injured; the negroes being 
disarmed before they could reload. 

On a first survey of the premises they had captured, a horrible 
sight met the officers' eyes. In one corner of the room, a child nearly 
white lay bleeding to death, her throat cut from ear to ear. A 
scream from an adjoining room drew their attention thither, when 
a glance revealed a negro woman holding a knife dripping with gore 
over the heads of two children, who were crouched upon the floor, 
uttering cries of pain and terror. Wresting the knife from her 
hand, they discovered that the children were cut across the head 
and shoulders, but, though bleeding freely, not dangerously wound- 
ed. The woman proclaimed herself the mother of the dead child, 
as also of these, whom she desired to kill rather than see them re- 
turned to slavery. All were secured and taken to the marshal's 
office, where they sat quiet and dejected, answering all questions in 
monosyllables, or not answering at all. An excellent character was 
given the adults by their owners. The mother of the dead child, 
Margaret Garner, a dark mulatto, twenty-three years of age, seemed 
simply stupefied and dumb from excess of agony; but, on being com- 
plimented on the looks of her little boy beside her, quickly replied, 
'You should have seen my little girl that — that — that died. That 
was the bird!' That girl was almost white, and of rare beauty. 
The mother alleged cruel treatment on the part of her master, and 
said she had resolved to kill all her children and then herself, in 
order to escape the horrors of slavery. A coroner's jury having 
rendered a verdict, in case of the dead child, that it was killed by 
its mother, Margaret Garner, with a knife, great efforts were made 
by the State authorities to hold her for trial on a charge of murder. 
All the adult slaves declared that they would go dancing to the 
gallows rather than be sent back to slavery. But Judges McLean 
and Leavitt, of the Federal Court, decided that they were in the 
custody of the U. S. Marshal, and could not be taken out of it by 
the habeas corpus of a State court, whether under a civil or crim- 
inal process; so they were all returned to slavery. The owner of 
Margaret pledged himself to hold her subject to a requisition from 
the Governor of Ohio to answer the charge of crime; but he failed 
to keep his promise, and sent her, with the rest of the fugitives, 



THE I'T'CifTIVr: SI.AVK LAW 117 

down tlu" riviT for ^ale, where all trace of her was lost. The cost to 
the Federal Treasury of tliia single rendition was about $22,000, 
whereof at least $20,000 was shamefully sqiumdercd or embezzled, 
as $2,000 would have amply sulTieed." — "7'/ic Amirican Con/lid," 
Horace (Ircvhy, Vol. I, p. 2 ID. 



Note 5. — On the 2d of June, 1854 — the repudiation of the Mis- 
souri compact having recently been consummated in the passage 
and Presidential approval of the Kansas-Nebraska bill — Anthony 
Burns having been adjudged a fugitive at Boston, President Pierce 
ordered the U. S. cutter Morris to take him from that city to life- 
long bondage in Virginia. The following spirited stanzas thereupoa 
appeared (June 1 3th) in The New York Tribune: 

HAIL TO THE STARS AJTB STRIPES. 

Hail to the Stars and Stripes! 

The boastful Hag all hail! 
The tyrant trembles now. 

And at the sight grows pale; 
The Old WOrld groans in pain, 

And turns her eye to see. 
Beyond the Western Main, 

The embleiu of the Free. 

Hail to the Stars and Stripes! 

Hope beams in every ray! 
And, shining through the bars 

Of gloom, points out the way: 
The Old World sees the light 

That shall her cell illume; 
And shrinking back to night, 

Oppression reads her doom. 

Hail to the Stars and Stripes! 

They float on every sea ; 
The crystal waves speed on 

The emblem of the Free! 
Beneath the azure sky 

Of soft Italia's clime. 
Or where Auroras die 

In solitude sublime. 

All hail the flaunting Lie! 

The Stars prow pale and dira — 
The Stripes are bloody scars, 

A lie the Haunting hymn! 



118 JOHN BEOWN 

It shields the pirate's deck, 

It binds a man in chains; 
It yokes the captive's neck, 

And wipes the bloody stains. 

Tear down the flaunting Lie! 

Half-mast the starry flag! 
Insult no sunny sky 

With Hate's polluted rag! 
Destroy it, ye who can! 

Deep sink it in the waves! 
It bears a fellow-man 

To groan with fellow-slaves. 

Awake the burning scorn! 

The vengeance long and deep, 
That, till a better morn. 

Shall neither tire nor sleep! 
Swear once again the vow, 

O, freeman! dare to do! 
God's will is ever now! 

May His thy will renew! 

Enfurl the boasted Lie! 

Till Freedom lives again, 
To reign once more in truth 

Among untrammeled men! 
Koll up the starry sheen — 

Conceal its bloody stains; 
For in its folds are seen 

The stamp of rusting chains. 

Be bold, ye heroes all ! 

Spurn, spurn the flaunting Lie, 
Till Peace and Truth, and Love 

Shall fill the bending sky; 
Then, floating in the air. 

O'er hill, and dale, and sea, 
'T will stand forever fair, 

The emblem of the Free! 
— "The American Conflict," Horace Greeley, Vol. I, p. 220. 

Note 6. — From "Life and Letters of John Brown," F. B. Sanborn, 
pp. 124, 125, 126, 127. 

Note 7. — From "Life and Letters of John Broicn," F. B. Sanborn, 
pp. 128, 129, 130, 131. 



CHAPTER V. 

FROM BIG SPRINGS TO POTTAWATOMIE. 



Slavery, like the great Python 
Apollo slew; — bred in the slime 
Of earth; — whose birth was tlie first crime 
Against mankind, and that sublime 

Iniquity of hell to dethrone 

The rights of man, now crawling winds 

Herein in slimy, snaky fold: 

Or like the dragon great of old, 

On Thebes' rich plain in story told, 
Great Cadmus slew, and wond'rous finds 

That from his teeth sown in the earth, 
A race of men comes forth from clods. 
For civil strife; and whom the gods 
Turned man to man, barring all odds, 

Against his equal man by birth. 

Python and dragon both, with fierce 

And bloody mouth, crawling it came; — 
Eyes that shot forth a burning flame 
Glared round for prey; and naught could tame 

The gloated beast of hell, nor pierce 

Its flinty scales, till it had fed 

And fattened on the blood and flesh 
Of Freedom's sons. 

— Joel Moody's "The Song of Kansas." 

Tiie bogus Legislature defined the issue for the Pro- 
Slavery people and party of Kansas. This issue was 

(119) 



120 JOHN BKOWN 

SLAVERY alone.^ In Kansas nothing else was to be 
known; anything which came in conflict with this issue 
was to be subordinated, no matter what its importance. 
The Free-State party was organized to meet and combat 
the issue made by the bogus LegisL^ture. Up to this time 
there had been no concert of action by the opponents of 
slavery in Kansas. The Pro-Slavery party had acted in 
unison and for a single purpose from the beginning, and 
this gave it a great advantage in the opening conflict. 
Something of the spirit in which this action was mani- 
fested may be seen from the following expressions: 

"We learn from a gentleman lately from the Territory 
of Kansas that a great many Missourians have already 
set their meg in that country, and are making arrange- 
ments to ^darken the atmosphere' with their negroes. This 
is right. Let every man that ov/ns a negro go there and 
settle, and our Northern brethren will be compelled to 
hunt further north for a location." — Liberty {Mo.) Dem- 
ocratic Platform, June 8, 185Jf. 

The same paper says, under date of June 27, 1854: 
"We are in favor of making Kansas a 'Slave State' if it 
should require half the citizens of Missouri, musket in 
hand, to emigrate there, and even sacrifice their lives in 
accomplishing so desirable an end." 

And again it says : " Shall we allow such cut-throats 
and murderers as the people of Massachusetts are to settle 
in the Territory adjoining our own State? iNo! If pop- 
ular opinion will not keep them back, we should see v/hat 
virtue there is in the force of arms." ^ 

This was the expression all along the border. The ad- 
vantage of the Pro-Slavery party was the result of it. 



FROM BIO SPKINGS TO POTTAWATOMIK 1-1 

The actions of the party up to ainl iiK-Iiuling the bogus 
Legislature phiinly indicated that even the " Squatter 
Sovereignty" feature of the Kansas-Xebraska bill would 
not be tolerated, nor given any fair trial in Kansas. The 
penalty for enticing a slave away from his master was 
death. This Legislature believed that a law to make even 
the discussion of slavery in ordinary conversation a felony 
would be in their interest, and its enactment was seriously 
considered.^ 

To meet the sentiment for slavery in Missouri, and the 
issue forced upon Kansas by Missourians in the bogus 
Legislature, became the work of the Free-State men of the 
Territory. To prepare for lliis work, the Big Springs 
convention was called. This convention had its origin in 
a number of preliminary conventions held in Lawrence 
and elsewhere.* It was well attended, and representatives 
from all parts of the Territory were present. A platform 
of principles was drawn up and adopted; it demanded 
that Kansas be a free State.'^ Here, then, were the issues : 
Slavery alone, for the Pro-Slavery party ; liberty and 
nothing else, for the Free-State party. Tliese were the 
issues up to the Civil War — nothing else, in Kansas. All 
the invasions by Missourians, their election outrages and 
bcgus Legislature and laws, all the campaigns for the 
enforcement of the bogus Territorial laws, all the murders 
and robberies by the ruffians, the Lecompton Constitution, 
and the aid of the Administration at Washington, were 
incidents in the battle waged by the slave-power for the 
supremacy of its issue. The " Topeka movement," Lane's 
Northern Armies, Black Jack, Fort Titus, Fort Saunders, 
Franklin, Hickory Point, and the Leavenworth Consti- 



122 JOHN BKOWN 

tution, were incidents in tlie struggle of the Free-State 
party to make its issue victorious. It will be well 1x) bear 
this always in mind; it is the key to Kansas Territorial 
history, and the fact that it is so has been overlooked by 
many writers on the subject. 

If the Pro-Slavery party could enforce the bogus laws, 
their victory would be complete without aid of any other 
of the subordinate incidents. They were so framed that 
they could be obeyed only by adherents of slavery ; and if 
obeyed by the people of the Territory, advocacy of free 
principles and a free State would disappear from Kansas. 
If the Free-State men remained in Kansas they were 
compelled to resist these tyrannical enactments. Their 
enforcement was the first step decided upon for the success 
of their issue by the Pro-Slavery men. Being in posses- 
sion of the judiciary of the Territory and having all the 
offices and the cooperation of the Government, it seemed 
that the law^s could not be successfully resisted by the 
Free-State party. But at the solicitation and instance of 
ex-Governor Keeder the Big Springs convention resolved 
to resist these infamous laws "to a bloody issue," — a very 
unfortunate declaration for a party at so great a disadvan- 
tage as the Free-State party then was.^ Eeeder was angered 
by the treatment he had received from the bogus Legisla- 
ture and the President, and acted from a spirit of revenge 
and retaliation, and in so doing brought indescribable 
woe to Free-State settlers. That the provocation under 
which the anti-slavery people lay was sufficient to justify 
the adoption of this resolution by their representatives, 
there is no doubt. But the more conservative leaders of 
the party would have devised some less dangerous way 



FUO.M 1U<} Sl'RIXGS TO I'OTTA WATOM IK 123 

of evasion. The adoption of this resolution was the cause 
of war for *' extermination, total and complete," by the 
Missourians a little later. The resolution did the Free- 
State cause much hanii in C^ongress and in the East. In 
Kansas and ^Ii<~ouri it was regarded as a challenge to 
battle by the rutHans, and their supporters in the United 
States Senate took the same view. Nothing more unfor- 
tunate than this action of the convention could have be- 
fallen the Free-State party in Kansas, as was afterwards 
demonstrated by great cost of blood and treasure and un- 
told hardship and suffering. 

The Big Springs convention was held precisely one 
month before John Brown arrived in Kansas. We have 
seen that two of his sons were delegates to that gathering 
of patriots. On October 13, 1855, he wrote his family 
that he had "reached the place where the boys are located 
one week ago, late at night." He found the condition of 
his sons deplorable indeed. "No crops of hay or any- 
thing raised had been taken care of; with corn wasting 
by cattle and horses, without fences; and, I may add, 
without any meat; and Jason's folks without sugar, or 
any kind of breadstuffs but corn ground with great labor 
in a hand-mill about two miles off. . . . Some have 
had the ague, but lightly; but Jason and Oliver have had 
a hard time of it, and are yet feeble. . . . We have 
made but little progress; but we have made a little. We 
have got a shanty three logs high, chinked, and mudded, 
and roofed over with our tent, and a chimney so far ad- 
vanced that we can keep a fire in it for Jason. 
We have got their little crop of beans secured, which, 
together with johnnycake, mush and milk, pumpkins and 



124 JOHN BROWN 

squashes, constitute our fare. Potatoes they have none of 
any account ; milk, beans, pumpkins, and squashes a very 
moderate supply, just for the present use." ^ Their poor 
success was largely due to the fact that little can be done 
upon a prairie farm the first year. The thick, hard sod 
is held firmly together by the heavy roots of the grass, 
and is so firm and tenacious that its cultivation is profitless 
and almost impossible. But by the second year the roots 
have decayed, and the sod has fallen asunder; the field 
is a bed of mellow loam, ready to yield immense crops. 
The experience of the Browns was that of all settlers on 
prairie farms, and was not a reason for discouragement. 
Three weeks after the arrival of John Brown in Kansas, 
Dow was murdered near the Hickory Point postoffice, in 
Douglas county. This was the first of a series of events 
which rapidly followed one another, and were seized upon 
to serve as a pretext for the invasion of Kansas by the 
Missourians "to enforce the laws," — mark the purpose. 
Thus early did the '"bloody issue" resolution of the Big 
Springs convention begin to bear fruit. This invasion 
came to be known as the Wakarusa War or Shannon's 
War.^ In this war Brown and his sons took part. When 
the rumors of the invasion spread over the Territor}^, 
John Brown left Osawatomie and went to the locality 
where dwelt his sons, some eight or ten miles distant. 
He intended to go on to Lawrence to learn the true situa- 
tion, but afterwards sent his son John. The younger 
Brown had scarcely left the house when the courier from 
Lawrence arrived to summon them to the defense of that 
town at once.^ Xo time was lost in obeying this order; 
the father and four sons set out in the afternoon, and 



FROM BIO SPRINGS TO TOTTAWATOMIE 



126 



after a marcli wliieli continued all night and most of the 
following forenoon, arrived in the threatened town Friday, 
December 7, 1855.'"^ They found the negotiations be- 
tween Governor Shannon, and the citizens of Lawrence 
represented by Doctor Robinson and Colonel Lane, 
under way. A company of militia was organized inini*'- 
uiately after their arrival, of which they were made 
nicmbers; the command of it was given to John Brown, 
who was at once commissioned Captain by Doctor Rob- 
inson. It was composed of other new arrivals and some 
men who had been for a few days in Lawrence. The neigh- 
bors of Thomas W. Barber and those having acted with 
him in his labor in Lawrence were mustered into Brown's 
company. 

The war ended without any battle between the invaders 
and the people of Kansas. John Brown was not well 
pleased with what he first believed to be the terms of 
the peace, but that he threatened to go out and fight the 
Missourians against all orders is scarcely probable.** He 
left Lawrence believing that by the terms of the treaty 
concluding the war the attempt to enforce the laws was 
abandoned by Governor Shannon, and his account of the 
matter shows that he was satisfied with what he was given 
to understand were the conditions secured by the Free- 
State men. lie may have been misinformed or purposely 
deceived. He says : 

"After frequently calling on the leaders of the Free- 
State men to come and have an interview with him, by 
Governor Shannon, and after as often getting for an 
answer that if he had any business to transact with any- 
one in Lawrence, to come and attend to it, he signified 



126 JOHN BEOWN 

his wisli to come into the town, and an escort was sent 
to the invaders' camp to conduct him in. When there, 
the leading Free-State men, finding out his weakness, 
frailty, and consciousness of the awkward circumstances 
into which he had really got himself, took advantage of his 
cowardice and folly, and by means of that and the free 
use of whisky and some trickery succeeded in getting a 
written arrangement wdth him much to their own liking. 
He stipulated with them to order the Pro-Slavery men of 
Kansas home, and to proclaim to the Missouri invaders 
that they must quit the Territory without delay, and also 
give up General Pomeroy (a prisoner in their camp), — 
which was all done; he also recognizing the volunteers 
as the militia of Kansas, and empowering their officers 
to call them out whenever in their discretion the safety 
of Lawrence or other portions of the Territory might re- 
quire it to be done. He (Governor Shannon) gave up 
all pretension of further attempt to enforce the enact- 
ments of the bogus Legislature, and retired, subject to the 
derision and scoffs of the Free-State men (into whose 
hands he had committed the welfare and protection of 
Kansas), and to the pity of some and the curses of others 
of the invading force. 

" So ended this last Kansas invasion, — the Missourians 
returning with flying colors, after incurring heavy ex- 
penses, suffering great exposure, hardships, and priva- 
tions, not having fought any battles, burned or destroyed 
any infant towns or Abolition presses ; leaving the Free- 
State men organized and armed, and in full possession 
of the Territory; not having fulfilled any of all their 
dreadful threatenings, except to murder one unarmed man, 
and to commit some robberies and waste of property upon 
defenseless families, unfortunately within their power. 
We learn by their papers that they boast of a great victory 
over the Abolitionists." 

It will be seen from a careful reading of the treaty that 



FKOM BIG SPHINGS TO POTTAWATOMIE 127 

Brown's understanding of it was incorrect. From whom 
be obtained bis knowledge of it docs not appear, for it 
was not published immediately. That he desired to fight, 
there is little doubt; that be would have advocated battle 
before the concession of any vital thing contended for, he 
evidently made plain. It may have been thought best to 
conceal for a few days the real terms, and claim more than 
was actually obtained from Governor Shannon; there 
were many Free-State men who would have insisted upon 
battle before yielding any semblance of submission to the 
bogus laws ; especially was this the case after the murder 
of Barber, when they were restrained with difficulty.^* 

A study of all the acounts of the Wakarusa war makes 
it very certain that desire to arrest Branson and put him 
imder bonds was only a pretense seized upon by the Pro- 
Slavery party to enable them to begin a war to force the 
Free-State people to obey the bogus laws. 

John Brown and his sons returned to the Pottawatomie; 
there he was engaged during the winter in work upon the 
cabins of his sons, and in the erection of a house for his 
brother-in-law, Orson Day. He wrote, February 1, 1856, 
that Lawrence " is again threatened with an attack. 
Should that take place, we may be soon called upon to 
' buckle on our armor,' which by the help of God wc will 
do." He and Salmon made a trip to Missouri to buy 
corn, from whence they returned February 20th. There 
they heard that " Frank Pierce means to crush the men of 
Kansas, but I think he may find his hands full before 
it is all over." This rumor was not far wrong, as the 
whole slave-power was then making preparation to enter 
Kansas and begin a vigorous campaign as soon as spring 



128 



JOHN BEOWN 



opened. Biiford was organizing in Alabama and South 
Carolina. Mississippi was preparing to do her part in the 
work. Jefferson Davis was committing the Administra- 
tion to aid in this very purpose. It becomes necessary 
for us to review these preparations for the invasion of 
Kansas in the spring of 1856. It has been charged by 
those who would disparage John Brown, that all the out- 
rages committed upon the Free-State party and people 
of Kansas after the killing of the Doyles and others by 
John Brown and his company on the Pottawatomie were 
the result of that act. Such writers charge that all the 
trouble in Lawrence, all the troubles in southeastern Kan- 
sas, all the troubles at Leavenworth, Buford's march from 
the South with his army for the subjugation of the Terri- 
tory, the imprisonment of Doctor Robinson and others 
for treason, the war of extermination, and finally the 
Civil War, resulted from the bloody work at Dutch Henry's 
Crossing.^^ If such were the truth it would be the highest 
tribute to John Brown's judgment, for it would exalt that 
event to the dignity of being the direct cause of the aboli- 
tion of slavery in America. While that killing was one 
of the great factors in making Kansas free, it cannot be 
claimed the abolition of slavery grew directly out of it, 
as one of the detractors from John Brown's fame would 
have us believe. The campaign of the advocates of slav- 
ery in Kansas in the spring and summer of 1856 was the 
result of elaborate preparation and long premeditation. 

Of this period and the attitude of the South toward 
Kansas after the Wakarusa war, we desire to cite as au- 
thority the History of Lawrence, by the Rev. Richard 
Cordley. We have no authority in Kansas better than 
that work : 



FROM DIG SPIlI^'OS TO POTTAWATOMIE 129 

" Though the settlers were not molested during this 
severe weather, they knew the quiet was only temporary. 
The opening of the spring would bring a renewal of hos- 
tilities. The hordes that had left Franklin so sullenly 
did not propose to drop the controversy. They saw they 
had made a mistake, and the Free-State men had profited 
by it. Xext time they would plan more wisely. They 
would not be caught in court again without a case. All 
over Missouri and the South, preparations were going 
on to push the controversy to a successful issue for slavery. 
The shrewdest men in the Inud were planning together 
for the summer campaign. The general idea was to make 
it so uncomfortable for the Free-State men that they 
would flee the country, and so that others would not come. 

" The line of attack was not hard to determine. The 
Free-State men occupied a position that was diilicult to 
maintain. They knew that the Shawnee Legislature had 
been elected by Missouri votes. They pronounced its en- 
actments an imposition and a fraud. They determined to 
ignore them, and as far as possible to nullify them or 
destroy their effect. The laws were of the most extreme 
pro-slavery type. They not only protected slave property, 
but punished all acts and expressions against slavery with 
great severity. They could not even discuss the subject 
without becoming liable to criminal prosecution. Their 
only course was to ignore these laws and practically nullify 
them. Then nobody would dare to bring any slaves into 
Kansas. If there were no slaves in Kansas, slavery would 
not really exist, even though the laws did recognize it. In 
two years there would be another election, and by that 
time the Free-State men felt they would be strong enough 
to take possession of all the machinery of government and 
shape the laws to suit themselves. If they could only keep 
things as they were till the next election, immigration 
from the Xorth would do the rest. 

" The Pro-Slaverj' people, on the other hand, strove to 

—9 



130 



JOHN BEOWN 



force an immediate issue. They laid their plans to compel 
the Free-State men to recognize the bogus laws, or else 
resist the officials charged with their enforcement. The 
problem of the Free-State men was to ignore the bogus 
laws and jet avoid a collision. They might suffer violence, 
but as far as possible they were to avoid doing violence. 
Above all, they were to avoid any collision with the author- 
ity of the United States. 

"Another element entered into the problem, which must 
be mentioned that the whole situation may be understood. 
That element grew out of what has been referred to as 
the 'Topeka movement' The Free-State policy had its 
negative side in the rejection of the bogus laws. It had 
its positive side in the adoption of the Topeka Constitu- 
tion. During the autumn of 1855 the Free-State people 
held a constitutional convention at Topeka, which framed 
a State constitution. They then sent it to Congress and 
asked to be received into the Union as a State. The House 
of Representatives passed the bill admitting Kansas as a 
State, but the Senate rejected it. Thus the movement 
failed in Congress, but it was kept alive in Kansas as a 
rallying-point of defense. An election was held in Jan- 
uary for State officers, and Dr. Robinson was elected Gov- 
ernor. The Legislature then chosen met in March and 
organized, and Governor Robinson sent in his message. 
!No attempt was made, however, to put the State Govern- 
ment into operation. But the thought was to do this if 
the situation became intolerable. The occasion never 
came, and the Topeka government and constitution never 
went into effect. 

"As spring opened, the policy of the Pro-Slavery men 
began to manifest itself. It was a deeply laid, shrewd 
scheme. It went on the assumption that the attitude of 
the Free-State men toward the bogus laws was rebellion, 
and that the actors in the Toi3eka Free-State movement 
were guilty of treason. They proposed to have the Free- 



FROM BIO SPRINGS TO POTTAWATOMIE 131 

State leaders indicted for high crimes, and either liave 
them arrested or compelled to flee from the Territory. 
This will give a general clue to the new line of attack, 
and will show the animius and purpose of the violent pro- 
ceedings which followed." 

The Constitutional Convention of the Free-State peo- 
ple met at Topcka October 23, IS")."). The constitution 
formed there was adopted on the 15th of December .by a 
vote of the people, which stood : In favor of the Constitu- 
tion, 1,731; against the Constitution, 46.^* This action 
of the Free-State men was taken as an additional act of 
hostility to the Territorial laws, and the Territorial au- 
thorities resented it accordingly. Although the Waka- 
rusa treaty was supposed to be in force, neither side de- 
ceived itself with the belief that it had ended the conflict. 
On the 14th of November the convention at Leavenworth 
which formed the Law and Order party denounced the 
Topeka Constitutional Convention as treasonable, and 
aft<?r the constitution was adopted the members of the 
party were so profuse in threats that the Free-State men 
of Lawrence believed it necessary to form a secret league 
for the defense of the interests of the city and the party. ^' 
This was perfected in December, perhaps about the time 
of the holding of the convention to nominate State officers 
under the Topcka Constitution. It was the ''Society of 
Danites" ; sometimes called the " Regulators," and some- 
times the " Defenders." *« Lane, Robinson, Legate, and 
other Free-State leaders were at the head of this society. 
On the 12th of January a Free-State convention in Law- 
rence declared in favor of the establishment of the Free- 
State government at once; and on the 15th of the same 



132 



JOHN BEOWN 



month State officers under the Topeka Constitution were 
elected.^ ^ While it is now known that it was never the 
serious intention to inaugurate a hostile government 
by the Free-State people, the Territorial authorities be- 
lieved that an aggressive and conflicting government was 
to be immediately established. The leaders of the Free- 
State party designed this " Topeka movement" to hold the 
anti-slavery forces together on the issue between the ideas 
contending for the supremacy, but most of the party be- 
lieved with the Territorial authorities, that the Free-State 
government was to attempt to gain control of the affairs 
of the Territory. This was to be accomplished through 
the admission of the Territory as a State. On January 
24th President Pierce sent a special message to Congress 
in which he indorsed the course of the bogus Legislature, 
and denounced the adoption of the Topeka Constitution 
and the election of officers thereunder as an act of revolu- 
tion and rebellion.^^ February 5, 1856, Governor Chase 
of Ohio recommended to the Legislature of that State 
that measures be taken to aid freedom in Kansas and fair 
play for its advocates.^ ^ Henry Ward Beecher made his 
famous address in which he denominated a Sharps' rifle 
one of the moral agencies of the times.^*^ On the 6th of 
February the result of the Free-State election was pro- 
claimed. This was followed by the proclamation of Presi- 
dent Pierce commanding "all persons engaged in unlaw- 
ful combinations against the constituted authority of the 
Territory of Kansas, or of the LTnited States, to disperse, 
and retire peaceably to their respective abodes." ^^ Very 
soon there came the promulgation of an order by Jefferson 
Davis, Secretary of War, authorizing Governor Shannon 



FRON[ RIO SPRINGS TO POTTAWATOMIE 



133 



to use the United States troops to suppress "insurrectionary 
combinations," and "invasive aggression." " This latter 
term was to enable the Governor to turn back Free-State 
settlers, but was never construed to apply to the !Mis- 
sourians in favor of forcing slavery on the Territory, nor 
to Buford's men, who were coming with the avowed pur- 
pose of making war. On the 16th of February Secretary 
Marcy directed Governor Shannon to call on the officers 
of Fort Leavenworth and Fort Riley for troops for "the 
suppression of insurrectionary combinations, or armed 
resistance to the execution of the laws." ^^ 

These acts of the Administration were to counteract 
the movements of the Free-State men in resolving to 
resist the bogus laws and setting up the Free-State Gov- 
ernment.^* These were considered treason, and the United 
States courts for the Territory were not long in making 
this conclusion the law, in the promulgation of the "con- 
structive-treason" theory. The South took alarm. Bu- 
ford, of Alabama, proposed to give $20,000 toward the 
cost of leading an army into Kansas from the Southern 
States. The Legislature of his State appropriated $25,- 
000 for the same purpose. Other Southern States pre- 
pared to send men to contest for Southern rights. Vir- 
ginia would send Colonel Wilkes; South Carolina com- 
missioned Colonel Treadwell; Kentucky sent Captain 
Hampton ; Florida dispatched Colonel Titus.^'* " 'We 
want money and armed men' was the perpetual cry, . . 
and it was heard all over the South." The response was 
all that it was hoped it would be.'" The forces of the 
South were gathering to descend upon the plains of Kan- 
sas early in the spring of 1S5G. " The Eastern and 



134 JOHN BROWN 

Northern States were continually warned that the war had 
hardly yet commenced, and that the next act in the drama 
would assume more terrible aspects than anything yet 
seen in the Territory." General Atchison had named the 
day of the meeting of the Free-State Legislature as the 
date of the attack of the Southern forces under the lead- 
ership of Missouri, as that act was held to come under the 
terms of the proclamations of the Administration as ex- 
pressed in orders to Governor Shannon.^^ But the Free- 
State men were not to be frightened from their course by 
rumors and threats. The Legislature convened, and the 
course of the Free-State Government was clearly set forth 
in the message of Governor Kobinson, and to this remark- 
ably able paper was due the short respite enjoyed by the 
people of the Territory. Kansas had engrossed the at- 
tention of Congress, and a committee consisting of Con- 
gressman John Sherman of Ohio, M. A. Howard of Michi- 
gan and M. Oliver of Missouri was appointed to come 
to the Territory and investigate the outrages perpetrated 
by the ruffians in the early elections. April 18th this 
committee commenced its work by a session at Lecompton^ 
and soon aroused the wrath of the Pro-Slavery party, 
both in Kansas and Missouri. The feeling against the 
members, against ex-Governor Reeder and against the 
Free-State people increased until the Republican mem- 
bers were driven from the Territory, and Mr. Reeder was 
forced to leave in disguise to escape assassination, as we 
have seen. 

Buford's men began to arrive early in the sprlng.^^ 
They were quartered at different places in the Territory, 
supposed to be points from which they could most effect- 



FKOM BIO SPRINGS TO POTTAWATOMIE 135 

uallj assist the Missouri invaders when they arrived. 
They did not pretend to select claims and enter on the 
work of building homes; they established themselves in 
military camps, where they were drilled, and were sub- 
sisted upon what could be seized from the Free-State 
settlers. They were severe and often cruel and brutal in 
their treatment of helpless and defenseless people who 
opposed slavery. A large camp was established near Osa- 
watomie, and their course there was one of outrage from 
the first. They established intimate relations with the 
most rabid Pro-Slavery settlers, and urged them to the 
commission of horrible atrocities. The life of no Free- 
State settler was safe in the vicinity of their camp. They 
had an avowed object, and that was loudly proclaimed: 
it was to make a slave State of Kansas, and to accomplish 
this every means was to be utilized, fair or foul. 

The hope of Kansas to turn this gathering horde from 
her doors was in the arrival of settlers from the Xorthern 
States as soon as the Missouri river was open to naviga- 
tion in the spring of 1856. They were expected to come 
armed with Sharps' rifles and ready to defend themselves 
from outrage and robbery. But the forces of the South 
took steps to prevent either men or arms from reaching 
Kansas over the Missouri river route. The river was 
blockaded and vessels were searched. Arms were seized, 
and settlers turned back. Here was an unexpected blow 
to the Free-State people, and their condition became criti- 
cal in the extreme. The resources of the South were 
organizing for invasion. The United States troops were at 
the disposition of those demanding their extermination. 
IsTo means of defense could reach them by the usual route, 



136 



JOHN BEOWN 



and a new way into the Territory could not be established 
by the way of Iowa and Nebraska for some months. It 
seemed that the Free-State settlers were at last at the mercy 
of their mortal enemies, and their condition desperate — 
almost hopeless. To add to their dangers, their leaders 
were arrested or forced to leave the Territory; and the 
offense charged against them was treason. 

Having effectually isolated the Free-State men from 
their friends in the North and East and shut out the pros- 
pect of assistance from those sections, and having deprived 
them of their leaders, a cause was sought that would in 
some degree serve as an excuse for the invasion of the 
Territory. In this emergency Sheriff Jones was depended 
upon, and, as events demonstrated, the expectations en- 
tertained of him were fully realized. Mr. Jones took it 
upon himself to declare the Wakarusa treaty at an end^ 
and came to Lawrence on the 19th of April, 1856, to ar- 
rest Samuel IST. Wood for his complicity in the rescue of 
Branson. He eff'ected his purpose, but his prisoner was 
enabled to escape by a diversion created by the citizens 
who witnessed the arrest. On the following Sunday Jones 
returned with some aids from Lecompton, and these not 
being considered sufficient for his object, he summoned 
several citizens who were on their way to church, to assist 
him. These were not to be so easily diverted from their 
then zeal for the cause of religion, very suddenly developed 
and intensified by the duty and service demanded by the 
sheriff. They gave no heed to his commands, and he, be- 
coming exasperated, arrested another of the Branson res- 
cuers, but one for whom he had no warrant. His efforts 
proving fruitless, he applied to Governor Shannon for 



FROM BIG SPEINGS TO POTTAWATOMIE 



137 



troops with which to effect the arrest of persons for whom 
he had writs. These were furnished, and Jones again 
appeared in Lawrence, on the 23d of Aprih With the 
assistance of the detachment of soldiers he succeeded in 
arresting those persons who had refused to obey his sum- 
mons to aid him on the previous Sunday. These were put 
into a tent and guarded. On the following night Charles 
Lenhart, acting upon his own responsibility, shot Sheriff 
Jones, inflicting a painful wound, but one not considered 
dangerous. It was not known who did this deed, and the 
people of Lawrence immediately assembled and disavowed 
the act and condemned it; they also offered a reward of 
$500 for the arrest and conviction of the criminal. This 
was an unfortunate affair for the Free-State people gen- 
erally and for the city of Lawrence particularly. It was 
difficult of explanation, and was immediately seized upon 
as the cause for the invasion of the Territory by the forces 
organized for months previous for that very purpose. The 
leaders spread reports of the death of Jones at the hands 
of a Free-State mob or assassin, and the reports grew as 
they were passed from ruffian to ruffian along the border. 
Many Pro-Slavery Missourians were already in the Ter- 
ritory awaiting developments, having been placed there 
by their leaders, who no doubt had some understanding 
with Jones that he was to find them an excuse to attack 
the settlers. In fact, there is little doubt that Jones was 
having recourse to his old writs to exasperate the Free- 
State men to some act that would bring on hostilities. 
While Jones was disabled, his deputy, one Sam Salters, 
an ignorant ruffian from South Carolina, was scouring 
the country with United States soldiers at his heels and 



138 JOHN BROWN 

arresting people on all kinds of cliarges.^^ Tlie United 
States Marshal issued a proclamation May 11th calling 
on the "law-abiding" citizens of the Territory to assemble 
at Lecompton "in sufficient numbers for the execution 
of the laws." This was the authority imder which the 
Missourians came from their hiding in the Delaware Re- 
serve north of Lawrence, and again poured over the border 
from the western counties of that State. It is quite prob- 
able that Lawrence would have been so strongly manned 
and so well fortified and defended, had the leaders of the 
Free-State people there determined to battle for their 
town, that the ruifians would have been beaten off. They 
would have found some excuse for retiring, as they had in 
the Wakarusa war. But the policy of non-resistance was 
adopted, and couriers were sent out to turn back the pa- 
triotic men hastening to battle for the cause of right. 

On the morning of the 21st of May, 1856, there were 
several hundred Missourians and ruffians from other 
Southern States in the vicinity of Lawrence. The Mis- 
sourians were commanded by Senator Atchison, the Ala- 
bama forces were under Buford, and those from Florida 
under Titus.^*^ Atchison had led his army in through the 
Delaware Eeserve, on the north side of the Kansas river; 
Buford had his camp at Franklin, and Titus was in the 
vicinity of Lecompton. On the morning of the 21st these 
forces, together with the troops from the United States 
army, gathered on the hill south of Lawrence. The peo- 
ple had desired to defend themselves, but had been pre- 
vented by their committee of safety; then this committee 
had been discharged and a new one appointed. But the 
new was no better than the old. Every Kansan should 



FROM BIG SPRINGS TO POTTAWATOMIE 



139 



read tlie letter sent to Donaldson by tliis craven committee ; 
ic may be seen in Phillips's "Conquest of Kansas," page 
293. They offered to obey the Territorial laws passed 
by the bogus Legislature if the assembled forces would 
refrain from attacking the town. This act of the com- 
mittee brought it into contempt with both the invaders 
and the citizens of Lawrence ; it was designated the "Safe- 
ty Valve," and was ever after the object of contempt and 
ridicule. The people did not generally wish a conflict with 
the United States troops, but some would have fought even 
them ; almost all were in favor of resisting Jones and the 
"Territorial militia," as the Missourians and other invad- 
ers were called. Both the invaders and the troops were 
in close consultation with Governor Shannon, in whose 
office they met to discuss and arrange their plans of cam- 
paig-n. They had the approval of the Governor in all that 
was done. The forces of the United States pretended to 
be looking for persons upon whom to serve warrants; 
Jones and the invaders who were acting as his posse held 
orders from Chief Justice Lecompte to destroy the two 
newspapers of the town and the Free-State hotel, as they 
had been indicted under his "constructive-treason" doc- 
trine and theory. 

The Deputy Marshal first entered the town and made a 
few arrests. That he needed no troops to effect this was 
shown on the previous night, when he had been in Law- 
rence and made some arrests without any assistance and 
without molestation. When he had enacted his farce he 
withdrew, and Sheriff Jones entered with his horde of cut- 
throats. These worthies ran up various flags, and then 
proceeded with the work for which some of them had 



140 JOHN BROWN 

marched a thousand miles. The presses, tvpe, paper-stock 
and fixtures of the printing-offices were destroyed. The 
Free-State hotel was first bombarded, and afterwards 
burned. Other buildings were burned, including the dwell- 
ing of Doctor Robinson, and the town was looted. As 
the shades of night fell the vandals departed by the red 
glare of the burning city, and weighted down with the 
booty obtained in its pillage.^^ Some of the Missourians 
returned home, but by far the greater number remained to 
assist the men of Buford, Titus and Treadwell in harrying 
the Free-State settlers and following up the work of the 
campaign planned the preceding winter, and so auspi- 
ciously begun at Lawrence. 

The border papers were filled with exultation, and the 
ruffians were urged to continue the work. One paper said 
that nothing more would be done to the settlers if the ruffi- 
ans were not further molested; but this was for effect in 
the East, where their allies, Davis and other members of 
the Administration, might need something to quiet the 
apprehensions of those not fully informed as to the situa- 
tion in Kansas, and the designs of the slavery propa- 
gandists. 

Following the sacking of Lawrence all semblance of 
order disappeared from the camps of the invaders, except 
that maintained among thieves. Xo secret was made of 
the fact that the conquest of the Territory had been de- 
cided upon. They were fortified in authority by the proc- 
lamations of the President and Jefferson Davis ; the Gov- 
ernor had received from the Administration orders to assist 
in the work, and seemed anxious to do the bidding not 
only of Davis, but of the bloodiest ruffian on the plains 



FKOM BIG SPRINGS TO POTTAWATOMIE 



141 



of Kansas. Tor the Free-State settlers there was now no 
protection. Murder, anarchy, rapine — a reign of terror 
surged around them. It seemed that the boast of the 
chivah-y of the South, that the opponents to slavery in 
Kansas should be exterminated, was on the point of fulfill- 
ment. But for the heroism and unconquerable will of one 
man, this object of the South might have come to a con- 
summation. 



Note 1. — On the last day of the session of the bogus Legisla- 
ture, the Speaker, Mr. Stringfellow (Mr. Anderson in the chair), 
offered a preamble and one resolution which was adopted, and was 
also adopted by the Council. The resolution is as follows: 

"Be it resolved hy the House of Representatives, the Council con- 
curring therein, That it is the duty of the Pro-Slavery party, the 
Union-loving men of Kansas Territory, to know but one issue, slav- 
ery, and that any party making or attempting to make any other 
is and should be held as an ally of abolitionism and disunion." — 
House Journal, 1855, p. 380. 

Note 2. — History of the State of Kansas, A. T. Andreas, p. 83. 
The three quotations will be found on the same page of that work. 



Note 3. — See The Kansas Memorial, p. 19, where the report of 
the committee is quoted by Judge Usher in his address. See also 
the same work, p. 105, address of Colonel D. R. Anthony. 



Note 4. — The best account of the movement leading up to the 
Big Springs convention, and of the convention itself, will be found 
in the History of the State of Kansas, A. T. Andreas, pp. 106, 107, 
108, 109, 110. All resolutions are there given in full, as is also 
the platform. (Twentieth Century Classics, No. 2, September, 1899, 
page 53; article, "James Henry Lane.") 



Note 5. — The first resolution of the platform declared: "That, 
setting aside all minor issues of partisan politics, it is incumbent 



14:2 JOHN BEOWN 

upon us to proffer an organization calculated to recover our dear- 
est rights, and into which Democrats and Whigs, native and nat- 
uralized citizens may freely come without sacrifice of their respective 
political creeds, but without forcing [theiu] as a test upon others. 
And that when we shall have achieved our political freedom, vindi- 
cated our rights of self-government, and come as an independent 
State upon the arena of the Union, where those issues may become 
vital where they are now dormant, it will be time enough to divide 
our organization by those tests, the importance of which we fully 
recognize in their appropriate sphere." 

The third resolution declared: "That our true interests, socially, 
morally and pecuniarily, require that Kansas should be a free State; 
that free labor will best promote the happiness, the rapid population, 
the prosperity and the wealth of our people; that slave labor is a 
curse to the master and the community, if not the slave. That our 
country is unsuited to it, and that we will devote our energies as a 
party to exclude the institution and to secure for Kansas the consti- 
tution of a free State." — "History of the State of Katisas," A. T. 
Andreas, pp. 108, 109. 

NoTK 6. — The convention appointed a "Committee on the late 
Legislature." Its report was adopted. One of the resolutions of the 
report is as follows: 

"Resolved, That we will endure and submit to these laws no 
longer than the best interests of the Territory require, as the least 
of two evils, and will resist them to a bloody issue as soon as we 
ascertain that peaceable remedies shall fail, and forcible resistance 
shall furnish any reasonable prospect of success ; and that, in the 
meantime, we recommend to our friends throughout the Territory, 
the organization and discipline of volunteer companies and the pro- 
curement and preparation of arms." — "History of the State of Kati- 
sas," A. T. Andreas, p. 109. 

While the resolution declared no intention of immediate resist- 
ance to the bogus laws, it did recommend the purchase of arms, the 
formation and discipline of volunteer companies, and when taken with 
the avowed purpose of the individual Free-State leaders to resist the 
laws, the resolution indicated a clear intention of resistance. Other 
resolutions of the report declared that the laws had no binding force 
upon the citizens of the Territory, and that they were at liberty 
to resist and defy them should they choose to do so; that "we owe 
no allegiance or obedience to the tyrannical enactments of this 



FEOM BIG SPRINGS TO POTTAWATOMIE 143 

spurious legislature; that their laws have no validity or binding 
force upon the people of Kansas." 



Note 7.— Letter of John Brown to his family, November 2, 1855, 
in Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, p. 203. 



Note 8. — The best account of the war is that written by a news- 
paper correspondent, The War in Kansas, by G. Douglas Brewerton, 
pp. 137 to 351. The book contains a statement made by Governor 
Shannon; also statements of other parties. Mr. Brewerton visited 
and interviewed all the principal actors in the war, and printed 
what they had to say of it. It is one of the valuable and reliable 
books early written on Kansas. 



Note 9. — Letter of John Brown to his family, December 16, 1865, 
in Life and Letters of John Brotvn, F. B. Sanborn, p. 217. 



Note 10. — "It was near sunset, I should think about the 3d of 
December, when, in the distance, towards the south, a strange- 
looking object was seen approaching Lawrence. With many others 
I watched it. As it neared it proved to be the skeleton of a horse, 
covered with a poorly stuffed skin, wearily dragging a rather large 
one-horse lumber wagon. I think there were seven men standing 
in the box, which was made of wide, undressed, and weather-stained 
boards. Each man supported himself by a pole, of probably six to 
eight feet in length, surmounted with a bayonet. The poles were 
upright, and held in place at the sides of the box by leather loops 
nailed to the sides. Each man had a voltaic repeater strapped to 
his person, as also a short navy sword; at the same time supporting 
a musket at the position of 'order.' A formidable arsenal, well 
manned — all but the horse. 

"As the party dismounted I grasped the hands of John and Fred- 
erick Brown, who introduced me to their father and brothers. 
Leaving the horse unhitched at the door, I took the whole family 
to the rooms of the Committee of Public Safety, and introduced 
them. On my suggestion a company of veterans was soon organ- 
ized, and the command given to Old John Brown. . . . Here, at 
my suggestion, John Brown was first clothed with the title of Cap- 
tain, conferred on him in the Wakarusa war by Governor Robinson, 



144: JOHN BKOAA^N 

and approved by the Committee of Public Safety." — Reminiscences 
of Old John Broun, O. W. Broun, M. D., pp. 7, 8. 



Note 11. — Redpath, in his Life of Captain John Broivn, p. 88, gives 
an account of Brown's going with a number of other men to fight 
the ruffians. I find nothing to confirm this statement. As it was in 
violation of all orders under which Brown then served, I think it 
improbable that such an occurrence as is there described ever 
occurred. 



Note 12. — In his account of the Wakarusa war John Brown makes 
no reference to any outspoken protest made by him to the treaty 
of peace, but it is probable that he made some such protest. It is 
possible, too, that he was then given to understand that more had 
been gained in the treaty by the Free-State men than was warranted 
by that instrument; it is evident that he returned home with an 
incorrect impression of the actual terms. G. W. Brown says: 

"On the 10th the people were marshalled in front of the Free- 
State Hotel, from the steps of which Gov. Shannon made a short 
speech, in which he stated that matters had been unfortunately pre- 
cipitated by their not understanding each other, and that he was 
glad to have a pacific termination of the affair. I think Gov. Rob- 
inson made a few remarks in the same direction. It was at this 
stage of procedure, when old John Brown mounted a piece of 
timber lying near the corner of the hotel, and began to harangue 
the crowd. He said the people of Missouri had come to Kansas to 
destroy Lawrence; that they had beleaguered the town for two 
weeks, threatening its destruction; that they came for blood; that 
he believed, 'Without the shedding of blood there is no remission' ; 
and asked for volunteers to go under his command, and attack the 
Pro-Slavery camp stationed near Franklin, some four miles from 
Lawrence. 

"Listening to his speech to this point, I made my way to the 
room of the Committee of Public Safety, where others came imme- 
diately, leaving the Captain trying to excite insubordination. Col. 
G. W. Smith was instructed by the committee to place him under 
arrest, and detain him in custody until the excitement should cease. 
Col. Smith made his way directly to the Captain, took him by the 
arm, and requested to speak with him. Leading the Captain away, 
the storm that he was inciting was soon at an end." — "Reminiscences 
of Old John Broicn," G. IF. Brown, M. D., p. 8. 

There is much of improbability in this account. G. W. Brown 
was always a bitter enemy of John Brown. His book is one of the 



FKOM BIG Si'RliVGS TO POTTAWATOMIE 



145 



most unfair, and malicious in spirit, ever written. It is only an 
effort to defame the character of John Brown. G. W. Brown was 
tlie editor and proprietor of the Herald of Freedom, published at 
Lawrence. He was always accused of being in Kansas for the sole 
purpose of making money. He would issue one weekly edition of 
his paper for home reading; this was very mild, and often supposed 
to be as much in favor of the ruffians as of the Free-State settlers. 
Then he would rewrite the editorial page of the paper, and make 
his editorials conform to the most patriotic spirit of the free North. 
This edition he would mail to New England, where he was seeking 
patronage under guise of aiding the Free-State cause. Among the 
number who have told me this I will only mention E. P. Harris, Esq., 
long a compositor on the paper, and now one of the foremost 
printers and proof-readers in America; also Mr. Frank A. Eoot, of 
Topeka, who was a compositor for Brown. Mr. Root was with the 
Overland Stage Line in the interest of the Government for many 
years, and is one of the most respected citizens of the State. At 
the Old Settlers' INIeeting at Bismarck Grove, September 15th and 
16th, 1879, Brown tried to get a number of his former compositors 
to join him in a reunion, but his efforts were unsuccessful. 

Senator Ingalls says of the statement that John Brown, jr., became 
insane because of the killing of the Doyles, Wilkinson and Sherman : 

"These statements are made upon the testimony of G. W. Brown, 
in the 'Herald of Freedom,' in 1859. The witness may be competent, 
but he is not disinterested. He sustains the same relation to the 
anti-slavery men of '56 that Judas Iscariot did to the disciples, and is 
as well qualified to write their history as Judas Iscariot would be to 
revise the New Testament." 

For his course in Kansas he was unmercifully criticized by many 
Free-State people, among them John Brown. He was called "Gusty 
Windy" Brown by others, who held him in contempt. The Emigrant 
Aid Company loaned him $2,000 after his paper was destroyed; and 
it will be noticed that he takes the same position in regard to 
John Brown that is held by Eli Thayer, from whom he secured the 
money. 

In this relation we make the following quotation from an article 
written by William H. Carruth, of the Kansas University, in Kansas 
Historical Collections, Volume VI, page 90, and following: "Of the 
Free-State papers at Lawrence, one openly and constantly antago- 
nized the movements and policy of the Aid Company, while the Herald 

—10 



146 



JOHN BKOW2f 



of Freedom, which Avas equipped by monej' borrowed from the com- 
pany, considered it policy for a time to deny all connection with the 
'New England propagandists. . . . The proprietor of the Herald 
of Freedom repaid the loan of $2,000 in Territorial scrip,* which 
was never redeemed." It was quite a favor for Mr. Thayer to 
accept worthless "Territorial scrip" in payment of this loan. The 
relation established by this transaction continued through the life 
of Mr. Thayer. And Mr. Thayer was one of the very first assailants 
of John Brown. He used every means at his command to induce 
others to attack him. 

That John Brown protested against the terms of the treaty, there 
is no doubt; and perhaps tlien it was that he was deceived as to 
what had been conceded by each side. That there was any attempt 
to arrest him, in the state in which the men were after Barber was 
murdered, there is no probability; it was with much dilliculty 
that the men were restrained. They would not have suifered the 
arrest of anyone for wishing to fight. The commanders, knowing 
this, would not have attempted it. 

"Mr. E. A. Coleman writes me: 'When Lawrence was besieged, we 
sent runners to all parts of the Territory, calling on every settler. 
We met at Lawrence. Robinson was commander-in-chief; I was on 
his staff, appointed of course by the commander. We had gathered 
to the number of about two hundred and fifty, all told. The ruffians 
were gathered at Franklin, four miles east, with four or five hun- 
dred men. We were not well armed, all of us, — at the same time 
being somewhat afraid of getting into trouble with the General Gov- 
ernment. Robinson sent to Shannon, at Lecompton, to come down 
and see if something could not be done to prevent bloodshed. He 
came; we all knew his weakness. We had plenty of brandy, parleyed 
with him until he was drunk, and then he agreed to get the ruffians 
to go home, — which he did by telling them ire had agreed to obey all 
the laws, which was a lie. As soon as Brown heard what had been 
done, he came with his sons into our council room, the maddest man I 
ever saw. He told Robinson that what he had done was all a farce; 
that in less than six months the Missourians would find out the 
deception, and things would be worse than they were that day (and 
so it was) ; that he came up to help them fight, but if that was the 

* This was scrip issued by the Executive Committee under the " Topeka movement," 
always absolutely worthless. 



FEOM BIG SPRINGS TO POTTAWATOMIE 



147 



way Robinson meant to do, not to send for him again.' Mr. Foster, 
of Osawatomie, meeting Brown on his return from Lawrence, asked 
him about Robinson and Lane. 'They are both men without prin- 
ciple,' said Brown; 'but when worst comes to worst, Lane will 
fight, — there is no fight in Robinson.' " — "Life and Letters of John 
Broicn," F. B. Sanboni, p. 220. 

"Captain Brown got up to address the people, but a desire was 
manifested to prevent his speaking. Amidst some little disturbance, 
he demanded to know what the terms were. If he understood 
Governor Shannon's speech, something had been conceded, and he 
conveyed the idea that the Territorial laws were to be observed. 
Those laws they denounced and spit upon, and would never obey — no ! 
Here the speaker was interrupted by the almost universal cry, 'No! 
No! Down with the bogus laws! — lead us down to fight first!' 
Seeing a young revolution on the tapis, the influential men assured 
the people that there had been no concession. They had yielded 
nothing. They had surrendered nothing to the usurping Legislature. 
With these assurances the people were satisfied, and withdrew. At 
that time it was determined to keep the treaty secret, but before 
many days it was sufficiently public." — "The Conquest of Kansas," 
William A. Phillips, p. 222. 

This is perhaps exactly what did occur. It has in it the ring of 
truth and bears the air of probability. 



Note 13. — In Reminiscences of Old John Brown, G. W. Brown, 
p. 27, he is attempting to show that all the evils that came upon 
the Union from 1856 to 1865 were the result of the killing of the 
ruffians at Dutch Henry's Crossing, According to G. W. Brown, 
slavery was only an incident, and if John Brown had never been 
born there would have been no trouble about the matter! 



Note U.— Annals of Kansas, D. W. Wilder, p. 90. 



Note 15.— For a full account of the formation of the "Law and 
Order" party, see History of the State of Kansas, A. T. Andreas, pp. 
114, 115, The resolutions are there set out. 



Note 16.~Annals of Kansas, D. W. Wilder, p. 91, Also, John 



148 JOHN BEOWN 

Brown and his Men, Richard J. Hinton, p. 697. See also, John Brown 
MSS. in the library of the State Historical Society, Topeka. 



Note 17. — See corresponding dates in Annals of Kansas, D. W. 
Wilder. 



Note 18. — Annals of Kansas, D. W. Wilder, p. 108. History of the 
State of Kansas, A. T. Andreas, p. 122. 



Note 19. — Annals of Kansas, D. W. Wilder, p. 109. 



Note 20. — Annals of Kansas, D. W. Wilder, p. 109. 



Note 21. — February 11, 1856. The proclamation is given in full 
at page 124, History of the State of Kansas, A. T. Andreas. 



Note 22. — February 15, 1856. Amials of Kansas, D. W. Wilder, 
p. 109. 

Note 23. — Atinals of Kansas, D. W. Wilder, p. 110. 



Note 24. — "Every act of the Free-State party was turned into 
treason by their [the nxffians'] lago-like coloring, and Dr. Robinson, 
the newly elected Free-State Governor, figured as the embodiment 
of a conspiracy against law and order, which had its ramifications 
all over the New England States." — "Tuttle's History of Kansas," 
p. 288. 

Note 25. — Tuttle's History of Kansas, p. 290. 



Note 26. — Tuttle's History of Kansas, p. 291. Senator Atchison's 
address to the South is there quoted from at length. He said the 
year could not pass without fierce civil war, and that there was to 
be no more pacification. "It was no longer scenting the battle from 
afar ofi"; the troops were already in the field, the perfume of powder 
filled the air, Southern chivalry was in the saddle." 



Note 27. — "Rumors often exaggerated and painfully indefinite 
were continually being half revealed about deep-laid plots to sur- 
prise the little settlement, and leave it a smoking ruin, are com- 



FROM BIO SPKI^rOS TO POTTAWATOMIE 



149 



bining a carnival and a massacre within its walls. Well-known Pro- 
Slavery leaders came to Lawrence in hot haste, held whispered con- 
sultations with their adherents, and were off, for all that could be 
known, to carry out some nefarious scheme already concocted for the 
destruction of the Free-State party. The press in the border counties 
continually breathed fire and sword, and there was no means of 
ascertaining at what instant the customary braggadocio might cover 
the sinister movement long anticipated. Messengers had long since 
assured the ever-wary authorities of Lawrence tiiat stores were 
being collected on the border, and none could doubt their eventual 
destination. Civilized nations do not commence hostilities until 
there has been first a declaration of war, but there could be no surety 
when the fatal blow would come from an enemy that declared war 
every second. The assault must come; on that point there was no 
difference of opinion, but when, where and how, were the momentous 
anxieties of the troubled citizens. A camisado was tlie event most 
dreaded, and men hated the thought of being surprised in their beds 
by an enemy so relentless as the foes across the border." — "T utile's 
History of Kansas" p. 295. 

Note 28. — "In the spring of 1856 Missouri received a fresh supply 
of active allies. Col. Buford, a Southern adventurer from Alabama, 
brought up the Missouri river, in April, a regiment of young men, 
from Alabama, and Carolina and Georgia. These adventurers were 
armed, and came in military companies. They came for the avowed 
purpose of making Kansas a slave State, — by violence, if necessary, — 
and returning after this had been acomplished. Many of them were 
poor young men, but well connected; dependent members of the 
decaying Southern aristocracy, — a numerous class, who can be dis- 
pensed with by the South unless in case of servile war. But the 
larger portion of these carpet-bag adventurers were reckless charac- 
ters, from the vilest purlieus of society; men who had been robbers 
and gambling loafers, and whose lawless character well suited them 
for the task they were to perform. As an illustration, these gentry 
robbed Buford himself of a considerable sum of money while coming 
up the river ; and they got into disgrace, even among the Missourians 
they were called to aid, by their depredations. 

"Shortly after their arrival in Kansas City, ^Mo., they were drawn 
up in military array, in a sort of review. Here speeches were de- 
livered about their mission to conquer Kansas for slavery; and 



150 JOIIISr BEOWN 

Buford, in order to give his expedition a specious appearance at the 
East, made a prayer to them, which was an odd mixture of hypoc- 
risy and blasphemy. These men were called to sign a pledge and give 
an oath that they would not leave Kansas until it was made a slave 
State; that they would be ready to fight for 'Southern rights' when 
called upon, and that they should never vote anything but the Pro- 
Slavery ticket, and should be subject to the direction of their leaders, 
etc. There was also a business contract between them, the terms 
of which, as promulgated in Kansas City, gave great dissatisfaction, 
the young adventurers declaring them diflferent and less favorable 
than the promises by which they had been lured from their homes." 
— "TAe Conquest of Kansas," William A. Phillips, p. 265. 



Note 29. — "As Sheriff Jones was unable to attend to his duties, 
his deputy, Sam Salters, undertook the arduous duties devolving, 
in the progress of 'law and order,' on the sheriff of Douglas county. 
With a party of dragoons at his heels, he rode backward and forward 
over the county, making, or trying to make, or pretending he wished 
to make, arrests. One lady ordered him not to come into her house, 
and thrcAV some scalding water on him when he tried to do so. 
Some of the men whom he declared that he wished to arrest, had to 
leave their homes, and sleep in thickets and in prairies, to avoid his 
legal persecutions. Armed bands of the Southerners now began to 
come into the Territory, and not only Salters but all the Territorial 
officials were soon in full communion with them. As citizens were 
often molested and stopped by these persons, the following is a pass 
given by this redoubtable Sam Salters to a law-and-order man, who 
found it necessary to travel: 

" 'Let this man pass i no him two be a Law and abidin Sittisen. 
( Signed ) Samuel Salters, 

depy sherf.' " 
—"The Conquest of Kansas," William A. Phillips, p. 267. 



Note 30. — A band of Buford's men captured a Mr. Miller, from 
South Carolina, but then a Free-State man: 

"Mr. Miller was originally from South Carolina; and, as he had 
ventured to be a Free-State man in Kansas, they made up what they 
were pleased to consider a court from among their own number, and, 
placing Mr. Miller before it, tried him for treason to South Carolina. 
After a hard effort, some of the Carolinians who knew him, and felt 
friendly, contrived to prevent his being hung, although he was found 



FEOM BIG SPRIXGS TO POTTAWATOMIE 



161 



guilty. He got off after losing his horse and money."— "T^e Conquest 
of Kansas," William A. Phillips, p. 283. 

This was ISIr. Josiah Miller, editor of the Kansas Free-State, in 
Lawrence. His paper was destroyed when Lawrence was sacked, 
May 21st, 1856, and never revived. 



Note 31. — The best account of the troubles leading up to the sack- 
ing of Lawrence will be found in The Conquest of Kansas, by William 
A. Phillips, pp. 205 to 309, inclusive. It is among the best authori- 
ties we have on this period. Kansas: Its Interior and Exterior Life, 
by Mrs. Sara T. D. Robinson, is one of the best authorities ever pre- 
pared of the events of this time. ISIrs. Robinson is the widow of the 
late Governor Charles Robinson, of Lawrence; was a resident of that 
city at the time, and saw what she records: there can be no higher 
authority. History of the State of Kansas, A. T. Andreas, and 
Tuttle's History of Kansas, are good authorities. History of Kansas, 
John H. Gihon, has valuable documents. The library of the Kansas 
Historical Society, Topeka, has a great accumulation of papers and 
documents pertaining to this period. 



CHAPTEE VI. 

WAR ON THE POTTAWATO:^! IE— PRELIMINARY. 



Then Slavery's champions these words 

Proclaim: "Come, direful War, and whet 
Thy sword; and let no freeman set 
His foot on Kansas soil, — forget 

That he is man, ye ruffian hordes! 

"Let bogus votes and bogus laws 

Stand as the will of God! Drive out 
The villain cursed who talks about 
The 'Higher Law!' Let him not spout 

His treason here! The righteous cause 

"Of slavery is recognized 

By the first law of man and God; — 
Kansas we own, and on her sod 
Shall stand no man, unless he nod 
To our great Truth, and be baptized 

"And taken into fellowship 

With all the dear, beloved ones 

Who are not classed with Freedom's sons. 

Give to Northern men solid tons 

Of iron hail! and then let slip 

"The dogs of War! Let no church ope 
The door to him who cannot pray 
For Slavery's cause! Let no man stay 
On Kansas soil, who easts a ray 
Of heavenly light on sinking hope." 

(152) 



i 



WAR ON THE TOTTAWATOMIE 



163 



Brave Kansas! Now thy bitter hour 
Comes like a gale of piercing woe, — 
And where fair Freedom stands, the foe 
Unsheaths his sword. Her friends bend low 
The neck beneath usurping power. 

— Joel Moody's "The Song of Kansas." 

We come now to consider the most important work of 
John Brown in Kansas. It is the principal point of attack 
bj those who seek to detract from the fame of the hero and 
martyr. It has been said by those more interested in 
exalting names of his contemporaries than in preserving 
the trnth of history, that John Brown, without provocation, 
deliberately, and with malice aforethought, went to the 
peaceful vales of the Pottawatomie and there took five 
peaceable, harmless, Christian men from their peaceful 
homes and their families, and, carrying them away, hewed 
them to pieces with broad claymores and remorselessly 
and fiendishly mutilated their bodies after death. If this 
were true, it would indeed be a just cause for condemna- 
tion. There could be nothing offered in justification ; and 
if I believed that history did in any manner substantiate 
this charge, I would drop my pen here, or continue its 
use to execrate the diabolical crime. 

But justice demands that any historical character be 
judged by the times in which he lived. He cannot justly 
be tried by conditions existing in any other age, nor by 
those existing in any other part of the country in which 
he lived than the scene of his acts. A few men have done 
John Brown the injustice to try him by the conditions 
existing to-da3\ Others have tried him by the conditions 
existing in his own time in New England, where no dangei* 



154 JOHN BROWN 

ever threatened anyone and where the sect of non-resistants 
has ever been of great influence. Various causes can be 
justly assigned for this injustice to John Brown's memory 
and his character. They lie deep in human nature, and 
are political jealousies and the desire of incompetent per- 
sons to exalt their own names at the expense of the fame 
of any and all persons engaged in the same cause.^ 

In a former chapter we have set out some of the condi- 
tions found in Kansas in the year 1856, when the war on 
the Pottawatomie raged. It will be necessary to be more 
specific, that the reader may have a clear comprehension of 
all the conditions under which John Brown acted. We 
have seen Free-State men murdered for pastime and as the 
result of wagers.^ We have seen them hacked in the face 
with hatchets and flung dying into their cabins in a man- 
ner so inhuman that their wives were made maniacs. We 
have seen a town sacked because it would not sanction 
slavery. We have seen the ruffians of Kansas upheld and 
assisted by the President of the United States. We have 
seen the infamous doctrine of "constructive treason" orig- 
inated for the purpose of forcing Free-State men to for- 
swear themselves and siibscribe to the most diabolical code 
ever devised by tyranny and oppression ; and under this 
doctrine we have seen patriotic men indicted; torn from 
their families and immured in vermin-infested jDrisons to 
be tried for their lives.^ We have seen Free-State women 
and children harried and outraged by remorseless ruffians. 
We have seen all these things, but still the record is not 
complete. New England people can never comprehend 
the fact that such things were suffered here by the brave 
men and women who stood continuously in the jiresence 



WAK ON THE TOTTAWATOMIE 155 

of death tliat liberty might survive. The patriot pioneers 
have always said to me : We could never make the people 
in the East comprehend our situation ; they believed the 
most conservative accounts of the revelry in blood indulged 
by the ruffians overdrawn. Let us look a little deeper 
into the affairs of Kansas in the year of 1856. 

Buford established one of his camps south of the Potta- 
watomie, and near the settlement in which John Brown 
and his sons lived.* In this settlement there were many 
Free-State men, but not a majority of them. This settle- 
ment was in the western part of what is now Miami county 
and the eastern part of Franklin county. The streams 
are clear and deep, and timber along their courses was 
plentiful; and as claims were selected in the early settle- 
ment of the Territory for their timber, this part of Kansas 
was early seized by the Missourians. The present town of 
Paola was a stronghold of slavery. For virulence and in- 
tolerance the Pro-Slavery settlers of this region were the 
equals of those in any part of the Territory. Here were 
the Miami, Wea, Peoria and other fragmentary Indian 
tribes with just enough of civilization to make suitable 
allies for the cruel and ignorant ruffians who came to 
make a slave State of Kansas or assist Davis, Hunter and 
others to make it a part of the Southern Confederacy.^ 
If such a thing were possible, the Pro-Slavery settlers in 
this part of the Territory were more ignorant and sodden 
than in any other portion. The present counties of Linn, 
Bourbon, Anderson, Franklin and Miami were seized by 
a class of "poor whites" owning few slaves, but more 
fanatical and unreasonable in support of slavery than the 
slave-masters themselves. They brought their bloodhounds 



156 



JOHN- BROWN 



with them from Tennessee and Mississippi, and came to 
do the bidding- of the slave-owners as blindly and unques- 
tioningly as they had in the conntry from whence they 
came, where they were regarded as so degraded that they 
were not subject to the laws. What a blessing to those 
fair coimties that freedom prevailed and made it possible 
for patriotic and civilized people to bnild them into in- 
tegral parts of a glorions free State ! Bnt it must be re- 
membered that in 1856 these Pro-Slavery "poor whites" 
were largely in possession of them ; and the Free-State 
settlers were yet weak in numbers. 

On the 16th of April John Brown, John Brown, jr., 
O. V. Dayton, Richard Mendenhall, Charles A. Foster, 
David Baldwin,^ and others of the settlement, met and 
resolved to not pay the taxes levied under the authority 
of the bogus laws. For this act they were soon afterwards 
indicted by the United States courts as conspirators, under 
the constructive-treason theory of Judge Lecompte, Chief 
Justice of the Territory.^ James F. Legate has preserved 
a picture of the Grand Jury of that court; he says: 
"Wliat a sweet-scented jury it was ! There were seven- 
teen members, and at least fifteen bottles of whisky in the 
room all the time." These jurymen were of the class de- 
scribed as committing such acts as "the sacking of Free- 
State towns — the burning of Free-State houses — the rav- 
ishing and hranding of Free-State women, and turning 
them and their helpless children naked upon the prairies — 
the murders of Free-State men and shocking mutilations 
of their dead bodies." * These acts were common then in 
the Territory, and were some of those believed in New 
England as improbable and impossible of execution by 



WAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE 167 

man ; and they were impossible in New England — but not 
in Kansas. The mobbing, tarring and feathering of Rev. 
Pardee Butler at Atchison and the turning him adrift 
upon the ]\rissouri river occurred on the 30th of April. 
Early in May some of Buford's men camped on Washing- 
ton and Coal creeks, along the Santa Ee Trail, and "were 
not only committing depredations upon the property of the 
settlers, but were intercepting, robbing and imprisoning 
travelers on the public thoroughfares, and threatening to 
attack the towns." ^ On the 19th of May they murdered 
a young Eree-State man named Jones, at a store near 
Blanton's Bridge. On the following day another Eree- 
State man, a young gentleman recently from New York, 
was shot in a cowardly and wanton manner in the public 
highway about one and one-half miles from Lawrence. 
The retreat from the sacking of Lawrence was marked by 
the pillaging of houses, "stealing horses, and violating the 
persons of defenseless women." ^^ "There are hundreds 
of well-authenticated accounts of the cruelties practiced 
by this horde of ruffians, some of them too shocking and 
disgusting to relate, or to be accredited, if told. The tears 
and shrieks of terrified women, folded in their foul em- 
brace, failed to touch a chord of mercy in their brutal 
hearts, and the mutilated bodies of murdered men, hang- 
ing upon trees, or left to rot upon the prairies or in the 
deep ravines, or furnish food for vultures and wild beasts, 
told frightful stories of brutal ferocity from which the 
wildest savages might have shrunk with horror." ^^ 

These ruffians were joined in their robberies and mur- 
ders by the Pro-Slavery settlers, and even by the Terri- 
torial officials. Governor Geary describes them as "bands 



158 JOHN BKOWN 

of armed ruffians and brigands wliose sole aim and end 
is assassination and robbery." " These men," he continues^ 
^'have robbed and driven from their homes unoffending 
citizens; have fired uj^on and killed others in their own 
dwellings; and stolen horses and property under the pre- 
tense of employing them in the public service. They have 
seized 2:)ersons who had committed no offense, and after 
stripping them of all their valuables, placed them on steam- 
ers, and sent them out of the Territory. Some of these 
bands, who have thus violated their rights and privileges, 
and shamefully and shockingly misused and abused the 
oldest inhabitants of the Territory, who had settled here 
with their wives and children, are strangers from distant 
States, who have no interest in, nor care for the welfare of 
Kansas, and contemplate remaining here only so long as 
oj)portunities for mischief and phmder exist. 

" In isolated or country places, no man's life is safe. 
The roads are filled with armed robbers, and murders for 
mere plunder are of daily occurrence. Almost every farm- 
house is deserted, and no traveler has the temerity to ven- 
ture uj^on the highway without an escort." ^^ 

The chief centers of these ruffians were Leavenworth 
and Lecompton — towns sunk by them to the lowest degree 
of depravity. Dr. Gihon says: "Lecompton is situated 
on the south side of the Kansas river, about fifty miles 
from its junction with the Missouri, and forty miles in a 
southwesterly direction from Leavenworth City, upon as 
inconvenient and inappropriate a site for a town as any 
in the Territory; it being on a bend of the river, difficult 
of access, and several miles beyond any of the principal 
thoroughfares. It was chosen simjDly for speculative pur- 



AVAR 02; THE fOTTAWATOMIE 159 

poses. An Indian 'floating claim' of a section of land was 
purchased by a company of prominent Pro-Slavery men, 
who found it easy to induce the Legislative Asseml)ly to 
mlopt it for the location of the capital, by disitributiiig 
among the members, supreme judges, the governor, secre- 
tary of the Territory, and others in authority, a goodly 
number of town lots, upon the rapid sale of which each 
expected to realize a handsome income. It contained, at 
the time of Governor Geary's arrival, some twenty or more 
houses, the majority of which were employed as groggeries 
of the lowest description. In fact, its general moral condi- 
tion was debased to a lamentable degree. It was the resi- 
dence of the celebrated Sheriff Jones (who is one of the 
leading members of the town association), and the resort 
of horse-thieves and ruffians of the most desperate char- 
acter. Its drinking saloons were infested by these charac- 
ters, where drunkenness, gambling, fighting, and all sorts 
of crimes were indulged in with entire impunity. It was 
and is emphatically a border-ruffian town, in which no 
man could utter opinions adverse to negro slavery with- 
out placing his life in jeopardy." ^^ 

These brigands and inurdcrers can be well described by 
repeating the boast of one Robert S. Kelly, one of their 
leading men in the Territory, who declared that he could 
never die happy until he had killed an abolitionist. " If," 
said he, '' I can't kill a man, I'll kill a woman; and if I 
can't kill a woman, I'll kill a child.'' ^* On the 21st of 
June, an Indian agent, named Gay, was traveling in the 
vicinity of Westport, and was stopped by a party of Bu- 
ford's men, who asked him if he was in favor of makiu"- 
Kansas a free State. lie promptly answered in the affirm- 



160 JOHI\^ BROWN 

ative, and was instantly shot dead. Such was the only 
crime for which this soul was hurried into the eternal 
world." ^^ 

The foregoing will serve to give some idea of the general 
condition of the Territory in the spring and early summer 
of 1856. This condition was the result of the campaign 
commenced immediately after the Wakarusa war; we 
have seen the preparations made for this campaign all 
over the South and in the cabinet of the President. The 
active operations against the Free-State men began with 
the arrival of the bands under Buford. We will now see 
what were the conditions existing on the Pottawatomie. 

Henry Sherman had been in the Territory for some 
years. He was at first a laborer for John T. Jones, or 
"Ottawa" Jones, as he was called. Jones was an educated 
Ottawa Indian and a minister; he is universally spoken 
of as a good man. Sherman finally went into business 
for himself. He squatted on a claim where the military 
road crossed the Pottawatomie, and his place soon came to 
be known as Dutch Henry's Crossing. It was agreed by all 
that his character was bad; his principal occupation was 
getting his brand upon the cattle of Indians and others. 
He was a giant in stature, drunken and quarrelsome, and 
finally lost his life for the outrageous course he adopted 
towards the wife of a Free-State settler. He was in favor 
of slavery only because he saw in its adherents kindred 
spirits to his own, and the opportunity to carry on his 
questionable business if slavery should succeed. As a 
matter of principle he cared no more for slavery than any 
other institution ; he supported it because it gave him the 
opportunity to gratify the basest of inclinations and pro- 



"WAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE 1(>1 

pensities. His brother, William Sherman, was much such 
a man, but without the ability of Henry ; he was younger, 
just as drunken, a little more reckless because of the 
confidence he had in the ability of his brother to defend 
and protect him and his known willingness to do so.^*^ 
Allen Wilkinson found a congenial companion in Henry 
Sherman, and in the first rush for claims he seized one 
adjoining that of " Dutch Henry," and a little below the 
Crossing. In the first election for members of the Legis- 
lature he was chosen to the bogus Legislature by fraudu- 
lent votes from Missouri and while yet a resident of that 
State. In this execrable body he was one of the most 
servile, obsequious, abject and sycophantic tools of the 
slave-power in the whole assembly.^ ^ He was made a great 
fanfaron, boaster, and jack-pudding by the service he had 
rendered slavery there, and seeing that he who became the 
vilest was given political preferment he aspired to the 
leadership of his precious constituency. Such men are 
always the tools of others without knowing it; ''Dutch 
Henry" was the man upon whom the slave leaders relied. 
Wilkinson supposed it Avas himself, and to retain the high 
position he supposed he had won he was ever foremost in 
the outrages perpetrated upon Free-State settlers. The 
Doyle family were from Tennessee ; they were of that 
class considered too low in the social and moral scales to 
be amenable to law.^^ Though detested and despised, and 
by slavery reduced to a level below the negro, they believed 
in the vile system and were ready to commit any outrage 
suggested by its advocates. They had lived in the South 
by patrolling plantations and spying on the actions of 

slaves; they brought their bloodhounds to Kansas with 
—11 



162 JOHN BROWN 

them, and were located in this settlement to hunt do^vTV 
and turn back fugitive and runaway slaves. They were 
the abject tools of Henry Sherman, and had a miserable 
and squalid cabin on a branch of Mosquito creek, directly 
north of that of Wilkinson, and less than a mile away^ 
although on the opposite side of the river.^^ Here with 
their bloodhounds they spied on the actions of the Free- 
State settlers and reported to Wilkinson and Sherman^ 
and after the arrival of Buford's men were in constant 
communication with them. They lost their bloodhounds 
in trying to capture a Free-State man who had been 
through their reports notified to leave the Territory. He 
fled before Buford's Georgians and the Doyles, and when 
the hounds came up with him he took refuge in the river ; 
the dogs followed him there, but were not so dangerous in 
the water. He caught them one by one and stabbed and 
drowned them all, and escaped to Leavenworth, where he 
had friends who protected him ; and he was there when he 
heard of the death of the Doyles.^^ Man does not descend 
any lower in the scale of humanity than the point reached 
by the Doyle family. There are things told of them too 
vile to write, and long years of inquiry lead me to believe 
them true. 

The nearest camp of Buford's men was that of a com- 
pany of Georgians, about four miles away. " Dutch 
Henry" kept liquor, and his place was the congregating 
point for the Pro-Slavery men and the Georgians. It was 
the headquarters of this band, the center from which in- 
telligence of the best localities for stealing cattle and 
horses and other supplies was supplied. The Shermans, 
Wilkinson and the Doyles spent much time in the camp 



WAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE 163 

of their friends, and kept them informed of the arrival 
of Free-State families, who came in greater numbers in 
1855 and the spring of 1856 than did those of the Pro- 
Slavery party. In the spring of 1855 Henry Sherman 
had warned two Germans that they might expect the fate 
of a Vermont man who had been hanged a short time be- 
fore, but rescued before death.^^ 

The Browns, and the Shermans and their proteges soon 
came into conflict. Frederick Brown interfered in behalf 
of a woman against whom one of the Shermans had 
designs.-^ The Browns did not drink whisky nor st^al 
cattle — and this was enough to turn the rufiians against 
them. While there had been no public outbreak in the 
settlement against the Free-State men, the reinforcement 
of the Pro-Slavery men by the arrival of the Georgians 
was an event of a nature to create anxiety in the minds of 
the Browns. Wishing to ascertain what might come from 
this location of Buford's men in their midst, John Brown 
took his surveying instruments and ran a line through 
their camp ; he knew that only Pro-Slavery surveyors were 
employed, and that the ignorant Georgians would believe 
him one of the Government surveyors without asking ques- 
tions. He found that the death or expulsion of himself 
and sons and other Free-State people had been decided 
upon, and evidently through the information supplied by 
the Shermans, Wilkinson, and the Doyles.^^ One of 
Brown's neighbors said in 1885 : " The Browns were 
hunted as we hunt wolves to-day; and because they under- 
took to protect themselves they are called cold-blooded mur- 
derers, — merely because they 'had the dare,' and were con- 
tented to live and die as God intended them to. Brown 



164 JOHN BEOWlSr 

was a Bible-man, — he believed it all; and tliougli I am 
not, I give him credit for being honest, and the most con- 
sistent so-called Christian I have ever met. Brown and 
his sons had claims, and worked them, as I did mine, 
when these devils were not prowling about, killing a man 
now and then, stealing our stock and running them off to 
Missouri." 24 

When Sheriff Jones stirred the caldron of border- 
ruffianism to find a pretext for the attack so elaborately 
prepared for by the South, the Free-State men of Kansas 
determined to again assist the people of Lawrence to beat 
back the invaders. John Brown, jr., was Captain of the 
" Pottawatomie Kifles," and these were held in readiness 
to march on very short notice. The Browns were sum- 
moned to the defense of Lawrence on the 22d of May, 
''and every man (eight in all) except Orson, turned out; 
he staying with the women and children to take care of the 
cattle." They went in two companies, John Brown, jr., 
going with his company, which was joined by two other 
companies on the road; he was elected to command the 
combined force, but probably this was a temporary con- 
solidation, intended to remain effective during the cam- 
paign then being entered upon. In the second company 
of the Brown family were John Brown, his sons Owen, 
Frederick, Salmon, Oliver, and Henry Thompson, his son- 
in-law. He speaks of these as ''the other six," saying, 
"the other six were a little company by ourselves." ^^ On 
the way to Lawrence they learned that it had been de- 
stroyed on the 21st, the day before they had received or- 
ders to march to its defense. The forces halted, and it 
was decided not to proceed to Lawrence, but to await 



WAR ON THE rOTTAWATOMIE 165 

further orders before either advancing or returning home. 
The camp was pitclied on Ottawa creek, on the claim of 
Captain Shore. John Brown favored continuing the 
march to Lawrence ; this might have been done had not a 
courier arrived to say that the town was short of food, 
and that the people had submitted to the sacking of the 
town without any attempt at resistance. The halt was 
made on the evening of the day upon which the march 
began — May 2 2d. 

On the following day, in the forenoon, a messenger ar- 
rived in the camp with intelligence which caused John 
Brown to return to the Pottawatomie with his company. 

When the Free-State men on the Pottawatomie heard 
that Lawrence was threatened, and before they had re- 
ceived any formal notice that their services might be 
needed, they had made preparations to render what as- 
sistance they could to their neighbors and fellow-sufferers. 
All the lead that could be procured was cast into bullets, 
and the guns were put in as good condition as possible. 
The only store at which lead could be obtained in the 
settlement was at the little establishment near Dutch 
Henry's Crossing, kept by an old gentleman from Michi- 
gan, a Free-State man named Morse. He seems to have 
been a widower wath a family of little children. He was 
a harmless and inoffensive old gentleman, very timid, 
and too old to take part in the protective arrangements 
made by the settlers. He had engaged in the vocation of 
tradesman for the purpose of procuring a living for his 
motherless children, the oldest of whom was about twelve. 
He supposed his age and his expressed intention to devote 
himself to his business exclusively would afford him pro- 



166 joriisr brown 

tection. He dealt in such things as the condition of the 
settlers rendered most profitable — groceries, and lead and 
gunpowder. Frederick Brown had bought some thirty 
pounds of lead of him, and this had been used in getting 
ready to go to Lawrence, should it become necessary. He 
was questioned about the use to which the lead was to be 
put, as he carried it by the home of the Shermans, where 
the Doyles and others were congregated; he made no 
secret of the purpose of its purchase.^^ 

A company from Missouri was expected to come into 
the Free-State settlement on the Pottawatomie and attack 
the settlers there; this was a part of the general plan 
to move against the Free-State settlers and enforce obedi- 
ence to the bogus laws and subdue the spirit of resistance 
manifest. When the Free-State companies went to the aid 
of Lawrence the Pottawatomie settlement was left without 
any means of self-protection. Such a time would natur- 
ally be seized upon in which to strike the contemplated 
blow, by the Missourians and their ruffian allies, the Sher- 
mans, Doyles, the Georgians and the other companies of 
Buford then in the doomed settlement or hanging on its 
outskirts. And the invaders were to do much more than 
make an attack upon the Pottawatomie; they were to do 
for this part of the Territory what Sheriff Jones and Don- 
aldson were to accomplish at and about Lawrence. The 
blow was to be a little later, and to be cooperated in by the 
invadei-s from about Lawrence, if found necessary ; many 
of these invading bands did march to the vicinity of the 
Pottawatomie settlements after Lawrence was sacked. 
The active work of the campaign was commenced as soon 
as the " Pottawatomie Ptifles" marched out to aid Law- 
rence. The Pro-Slavery men, under the lead of William 



^VAU ox THE POTTAWATOMIE 107 

Sherman, — ITcnry Sherman being in Missouri at tlie time, 
and probably to bring in invaders, — took a rope and re- 
paired to the store of Mr. ^forse to hang him.^^ They 
told him to leave by eleven o'clock, after being persuaded 
to spare his life. At eleven o'clock they returned, much 
under the influence of whisky, and attempted to kill the 
old gentleman with an axe. He was saved by the pleadings 
and tears of his children, but was warned to be gone by 
sundown, and that there would be no further trifling with 
him; if found he would be killed at once. Xotices were 
prepare<l ami delivered to Free-State settlers warning them 
to leave in three days, and threatening them with death if 
found there after that time. These notices were written 
with red ink and had a skull-and-crossbones rudely drawn 
upon them.-* They went to the families of the Browns 
and threatened to burn their cabins over their heads, and 
when prevailed upon to spare their lives ordered them to 
leave, and after the women had found a yoke of cattle and 
hitched them to the cart, they were allowed to put into this 
rude conveyance their children and a few valuables and 
go to the home of the Kev, S. L. Adair, The ruflians went 
to tlie houses of two German settlers who favored the Free- 
State cause, warned them to leave, and burned their houses. 
One of these, that of Theodore Weiner, contained a con- 
siderable stock of goods. Wt'iner fled to the company of 
men who had gone to the assistance of Lawrence.'* 

This is a brief statement of the actual conditions wliich 
confronted the Free-State settlers on the Pottawatomie 
immediately after the departure of the militia to fight for 
Lawrence. We have not enumerated all the outrages com- 
mitted, as it is not necessary to go into greater detail. 
Other actions of the rufTians were as rabid and reprehensi- 



168 



JOHN BEOWN" 



ble as those set down here. Some wives fled to overtake 
their husbands in the companies marching to the relief 
of Lawrence. The country was terrorized bj the Pro- 
Slavery men under orders from the Shermans. The no- 
tices given the Free-State families made it plain that they 
were to be murdered if they were found there on the night 
of the day mentioned in them. The ruffians were moving 
upon them from Missouri and from their camps in the 
vicinity ; Cooke arrived from Bates county, Missouri, on 
Tuesday, the 27th, with a considerable force. Their de- 
fenders were away to battle for liberty in another part of 
the Territory. The only thing to be done was to send word 
for them to return. The settlers put a young man on a 
horse, and directed him to overtake the forces marching 
away and urge that some help be sent back to protect their 
own homes. All this is clear and undisputed. 

This, then, was the condition on the Pottawatomie on 
the night of May 22d. Helpless women and children had 
been turned out of their own houses under threats of death, 
and their houses burned to ashes ; they had sought what 
refuge they could find. They and those of whom they 
asked shelter and protection bore red notices that their 
lives were forfeited if they were found there three days 
later. The sacred calling of the ministry of the gospel 
afforded no protection. ^^ The people could almost see the 
camps of the ruffians by the light of their burning cabins. 
If help could not be had they must depart from their 
homes and carry with them what they could. But where 
could they go? Missouri was on the east and the desert 
of raw prairies on the west. To them it seemed that they 
were in the power of the ruffians, and that there was little 
hope of escape.^^ 



WAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE 



1G9 



Note 1. — Read chapter VIII of Kansas: The Prelude to the War 
for the Union, Leverett W. Spring. Observe how he insists that all 
the troubles of Kansas in 1856, after this event, were the results of 
it. Perhaps he knew no better; but that he was mistaken he admits 
by the position he takes in his article in Lippincott's Magazine, 
January, 1883. Mr. Spring's book is not considered authority in 
Kansas, although it seems to fare better away from home; Rhodes 
and Burgess seems to believe it the principal work in existence that 
treats of Kansas affairs: they may mention other works inciden- 
tally, but with them Spring, only, seems authority and worthy of 
credit. 

The reader is requested to take notice of the malicious spirit and 
ghoulish satisfaction with which he introduces quotations from 
Andrew Johnson and others who were never within five hundred 
miles of the scene of the occurrence. He makes the stories told b)' 
Territorial officials, the families of the bereaved persons, and the 
conclusions of Mr. Oliver, the Democratic member of the Congres- 
sional Investigation Committee, tell his story. He introduces testi- 
mony before the Strickler Commission, and endeavors to make it 
appear that John Brown assisted to loot a store. The language says 
nothing of the kind. It says the robbery was committed by part of 
John Brown's company, or a part of the company that was com- 
manded by John Brown. And as to this testimony, it may be well 
to remark here, that so unreliable has it been considered by all the 
Legislatures since it was taken, that no effective action has ever been 
had upon it. Every person who ever investigated these claims in 
any impartial spirit believes them to be at least ten times as much 
as they should be, and none of them doubt that many of them are 
wholly fraudulent. One of Mr. Spring's Kansas friends reduced one 
item of his claim from $10,000 to $500. There were hundreds of 
communications of truthful and prominent persons who fought for 
freedom in Kansas on file in the library of the Historical Society 
concerning these killings on the Pottawatomie. But Mr. Spring 
ignored them all, and chose to give the version made up for political 
effect by the enemies of Kansas, — the very men who had planned 
to exterminate the Free-State people of Kansas and were at the very 
moment the blovr was struck by Brown planning to massacre the 
families of those who had gone in defense of Lawrence; who had 
driven wives and children from home and burned their houses on the 



170 JOHN BKOWN 

very day the company set out. Mr. Spring knew these things, and 
still he mentioned them not. These are the facts; students can form 
their own conclusions. 

Spring was professor of English Literature in the University of 
Kansas. In the University Governor Robinson had great influence 
to the day of his death. The people of Kansas generally believed 
that Spring wrote to please Governor Robinson; that belief prevails 
to this day. The book espoused the cause of Robinson in his quarrels 
with John Brown, General Lane, and other eminent Kansans. It 
attempted to make plain that the Free-State men were much at fault 
in the struggle for freedom; it exalted and praised the ruffians who 
invaded our borders. The storm of indignation which arose in every 
part of the State blew Spring back to Massachusetts. 

One of the most scathing criticisms of his work, and the one which 
led the attack and set the press upon it in every town, was wi-itten 
by Honorable Daniel W. Wilder, author of The Annals of Kansas, 
one of the greatest historical works in America. Mr. Wilder .is a 
graduate of Harvard College, was long Auditor of the State of Kan- 
sas, and has edited our greatest newspapers with ci'edit and ability. 
When Spring's book appeared, Wilder was editor of the Topeka Daily 
Commonwealth. He wrote the following criticism, which appeared 
in that paper, Saturday, October 10th, 1885. It is accepted in Kansas 
as the most correct and just estimate of the work ever written, and 
is now the verdict of Kansas upon the book: 
"the preacher's book. 

"There is a preacher in Lawrence named L. W. Spring, who is a 
'professor' in the State University. Kansas does not know him and 
he does not know Kansas, but he has written a book to tell us who 
we are and who are our neighbors. He has met Charles Robinson 
and Robinson's wife. They have talked to the preacher, after giving 
him a dinner at the railroad farm, and Spring has squatted in a 
corner and copied their words like a craven menial. His book is 
called "Kansas'; the Avord 'history' does not appear on the title-page, 
and yet it is probably supposed to be a history by the poor fool who 
wrote the manuscript. He says he is 'professor in English literature 
in the LTniversity of Kansas,' but has not gone into the language 
far enough to write good English. He attempts on every page and in 
every sentence to glorif}' liimself and his learning — a silly sophomore, 
who does not know tliat simplicity is strength. The book will not 
attract the stranger who attempts to read it; the vanity of the 
author and his unnatural style will soon repel and disgust any sensi- 
ble man. It can take no place in literature, because the preacher 



WAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE 



171 



can't write. He only knows men a3 lie has learned about them in 
the prayer-meetings or in sermons; and nobody is ever candid with 
a bandbox preacher. Spring knows nothing about men in action, in 
afTairs, as business men, soldiers, or legislators. While other men 
are in the midst of the struggle for life, this preacher has been 
eating frosted cake at some afternoon tea party in the presence of a 
half-dozen women, who secretly laugh at him, and give him more 
cake and green tea. 

"The only histories that have any value are those written by men 
who know men; who have met and fought with them. The sewing- 
society man is never seriously talked to or even answered by any 
man of sense. Gibbon, Grote, Macaulay, and our own Grant and 
Blaine write well because they have something to say. You cannot 
paint your portraits until you have seen faces. But this dapper 
little fool was just the man for Robinson to catch up and dictate to. 
How Charley must have laughed after every interview! 'The ass 
will write down everything that I give him!' 

"And here it is all printed. How Charles Robinson made Kansas: 
Robinson's wisdom; Robinson's courage; Robinson's diplomacy! 
Kansas does not appear to have had any people — none worth men- 
tioning. The name of Kansas should be blotted from the map and 
Robinson take its place. In the index Robinson is the longest title. 
And yet Robinson has had little to do with the early or late history 
of Kansas. He is a man of hates, grudges, revenges. Such men 
cannot become leaders; they do not inspire confidence. Robinson 
has never been a leader in Kansas, and this book will only serve the 
purpose of reviving all the ugly facts in his crooked history. 

"This book is the work of a defamer. The most glorious struggle 
for freedom made on American soil since the day of '76 was fought 
and won here, on these prairies; won not only for Kansas, but for 
the United States, for black as well as white, for all mankind. The 
lovers of liberty all over the world looked to us, helped us; it was a 
fight for the rights of man. 

"And yet this sniveling idiot, wlio lives in a closet, goes through 
three hundred pages of 'history' and never once snitls a breath of 
freedom. Lies about Jim Lane and John Brown and almost every 
man who did brave work here. He speaks fairly, we believe, of Col. 
Sam Walker, a man worthy of all praise, but probably he does so 
because Sam still lives, and in Lawrence, and would slap the fool's 
chops if he lied about him. 

"According to Spring, the Kansas Jawhawkers and Red Legs were 
worse men than Quantrill's band. He sympathizes with our enemies 
all through his book. He copies with approval the apologies of the 
Pro-Slavery officials and tells with relish some story about a Repub- 
lican or Free-State horse-thief. He assassinates Major Plumb for 
not accomplishing an impossibility; of course IMumb has not been 
consulted, and has been given no chance to tell what the facts were. 
But Judge Lecompte is permitted, in ISS.j, to construe and explain 



172 



JOHN" BROWN 



his decisions of 1S56. Governor Denver's cock-and-bull story about 
the Leavenworth Constitution bill is treated as veritable history. 
In speaking of the brave, honorable and truthful Col. Montgomery, 
he is classed with the border horse-thieves. Jennison's name does not 
appear in the book. Colonel Hoyt is mentioned incidentally with the 
other thieves. Matters of no importance whatever are treated at 
length, while historical events of enduring interest are not even 
alluded to. If this book, from the pen of a college professor, were 
introduced into our schools, the children would get the notion that 
Jim Lane and John Brown were worse men than the gangs of 
Quantrill and the James Boys. 

"The book is an insult to Kansas — a slap in the face by a stranger. 
The writer is not a fit person to teach our children. Ingalls — who of 
course is not mentioned in the book — replied to Robinson's other 
preacher in the North American Review. We shall hear from him 
and Plumb, and all the early Kansans, in regard to this detestable 
job of a hired interloper, and some Kansas man will write a Kansas 
history, while the stray copies of this book will be burned in bonfires, 
as were burned the Bogus Laws years ago." 



Note 2. — Reference was made in a former note to the action of 
one Fuget, in Leavenworth. We give here another account: 

"Individual instances of barbarity continued to occur almost daily. 
In one instance, a man belonging to General Atchison's camp made 
a bet of six dollars against a pair of boots, that he would go out 
and return with an Abolitionisfs scalp within two hours. He went 
forth on horseback. Before he had gone two miles from Leaven- 
worth on the road to Lawrence, he met Mr. Hopps, driving a buggy. 
Mr. Hopps was a gentleman of high respectability, who had come 
with his wife, a few days previously, to join her brother, the Rev. 
Mr. Nute, of Boston, who had for some time been laboring as a min- 
ister in Lawrence. The ruffian asked Mr. Hopps where he came from. 
He replied, he was last from Lawrence. Enough! The ruffian drew 
his revolver, and shot him through the head. As the body fell from 
the chaise, he dismounted, took his knife, scalped his victim, and then 
returned to Leavenworth, where, having won his boots, he paraded 
the streets w'ith the bleeding scalp of the murdered man stuck upon 
a pole. Eight days later, when the widow, who had been left at 
Lawrence sick, was brought down by the Rev. Mr. Nute, in the hope 
of recovering the body of the murdered husband, the whole party, 
consisting of about twenty persons in five wagons, was seized, robbed 
of all they had, and placed in confinement. One was shot the next 
day for attempting to escape. The widow and one or two others 
were allowed to depart by steamer, but penniless. A German, in- 
cautiously condemning the outrage, was shot; and another saved his 
life only by precipitate flight." — "Kansas," by Thomas H. Gladstone, 
London, 1857, p. 279. 



WAR ON THE I'OTTAWATOMIE 



173 



See. also. Historical Note No. 44, The Song of Kansas, Joel Moody. 
Border- KufTian Troubles in Kansas, Letters by Judge L. D. Bailey, 
published by Charles R. Green, Lyndon, Kansas, has important ma- 
terial; for this incident, sec p. 22. 



Note 3. — The Chief Justice, one Lecompte, charged his jury as 

follows: 

"This Territory was organized by an act of Congress, and so far 
its authority is from the United States. It has a Legislature elected 
in pursuance of that organic act. This Legislature, being an instru- 
ment of Congress by which it governs the Territory, has passed laws. 
These laws, therefore, are of United States authority and making; 
and all that resist these laws resist the power and authority of the 
r^iited States, and are therefore guilty of high treason. Now, gen- 
tlemen, if you find that any persons have resisted these laws, then 
you must, under your oaths, find bills against them for high treason. 
if you find that no sueh resistanec has been made, but that combina- 
tions have been formed for the purpose of resisting them, and indi- 
viduals of influence and notoriety have been aiding and abetting in 
such combinations, then must you still find bills for constructive 
treason." — "Life and Letters of John Broun," F. B. Sanborn, p. 231. 



XoTE 4. — In the private collection of William Elsey Connelley, of 
Topeka. is the only letter written by Buford known to be in existence 
in Kansas. It is as follows: 

St. Louis, Apl. '56. 

Dear Sir 

I desire to settle a portion of my company on the Wyandott re- 
serve provided that tribe will freely consent to my doing so, but not 
otherwise. & I would select for that purpose only orderly good citi- 
zens — among them blacksmiths, carpenters brick & stone masons 
physicians school teachers agricultural laborers &c &c — and any of 
them who become obnoxious to the Indiums I would have removed — 
with such settlers under such an arrangement I think both parties 
would be benefitted — and especially would it aid your views in build- 
ing up your city of Wyandotte which by the way seems the place 
endowed by nature for the great town of the territory — 

I hope to see you soon & confer more fully with you in relation 
to this matter. Very respectfully yr obt Sevt 

J. BUFORD 

Col Wm Walker 
of Wyandotte city 
at Kansas city. 



Note 5. — "The following letter from James M. Mason, of Virginia, 
to the then Secretary of War, Jefferson Davis, explains itself: 



174 



JOHN BROWN 



" 'Selma, Near Winchester. Va., Sept. 30. 1856. 

"'My Dear Sir: I have a letter from Wise, of the 27th. full of 
spirit. He says that the governments of North Carolina, South Caro- 
lina and Louisiana have already agreed to rendezvous at Raleigh, 
and others will, — this in your most private ear. He says, further, 
that he had officially requested you to exchange with Virginia, on 
fair terms of difference, percussion for flint muskets. I don't know 
the usage or power of the Department in such cases, but if it can 
be done, even by liberal construction, I hope you will accede. Was 
there not an appropriation at the last session for converting flint into 
percussion arms? If so, would it not furnish good reason for extend- 
ing such facilities to the States? Virginia probably has more arms 
than the other Southern States, and would divide, in case of need. 
In a letter yesterday to a committee in South Carolina, I gave it as 
my judgment, in the event of Fremont's election, the South should 
not pause, but proceed at once to 'immediate, absolute and eternal 
separation.' So I am a candidate for the first halter. 

" 'Wise says his accounts from Philadelphia are cheering for Old 
Buck in Pennsylvania. I hope they be not delusive. 

' "Vale et Salute, 
(Signed) "'J. M. Mason. 

" 'Colonel Davis.' " — "History of American Conspiracies," Orville 
J. Victor, p. 520. 

lliis is one of the men — already an avowed traitor for almost four 
years — who was so anxious concerning and so instrumental in 
having John Brown hanged for "treason." All these traitorous years 
he had been representing Virginia in the United States Senate, and 
under oath to support the Constitution of the United States. About 
this time Stringfeilow's paper in Atchison said: "For we confidently 
hope that the last national Congress may meet in Washington on the 
first Monday in December next; and we prophecy with firm convic- 
tion that the time will verify our words." The same editor gives an 
account of the celebration of the return of the ruflaans from the 
campaign against Free-State men, a little later: 

"At the head of the table hung the 'blood-red flag,' with the lone 
star, and the motto of 'Southern Rights' on the one side, and 'South 
Carolina' on the other. The same flag that first floated on the rifle- 
pits of the abolitionist at Lawrence, and on the hotel of the same 
place, in triumph, now hung over the heads of the noble soldiers 
who bore it so bravely through that exciting war. 

"The following are among the toasts drank: 

"'Disunion: by secession or otherwise — a beacon of hope to an 
oppressed people, and the surest remedy for Southern wrongs.' (En- 
thusiastic cheers.) 



WAK OX Tlli!; I'OTJAWAroMlK 



175 



"'The city of Atchison: may f^ho, hoforo the close of the year '57, 
be the caijita! of a Southeiii republie.' ((.'lieers. ) 

"'The distribution of public himls: one hiindreil and sixty acres 
to every Pro-Slavery settler, and to every Abolitionist six feet by 
two.' " 

For a fuller account of this feast, see The Conquest of Kansas, 
William A. Phillips, p. 411. 

It must be remembered that these sentiments were uttered openly 
by the "Ijaw and Order" party, who were than murdering Free-State 
men for resisting the bogus laws. Were villainy and treason ever 
carried to greater extent and length? The sentiment, disunion the 
surest remedy for Southern wrongs, had been acted upon for more 
than thirty years. The South had ascertained that the North would 
submit to great injustice before consenting to any act that would 
endanger the life of the nation. The loyalty of the North had been 
counted upon to counteract the discontent of the people at the con- 
tinued advance and aggression of the slave-power. 



Note 6. — "Mr. David Baldwin selected land near John Pingry in 
the fall of 1834, and in April of the next year he and William Bald- 
win settled there. Tkey thought it a very wild place, for they would 
sometimes stand in their cabin door and shoot the deer that were 
browsing on the trees which had been cut down to keep them from 
falling on the house. David lialdwin opened a blacksmith and gun- 
smith shop that year (1835), which were the first shops of the 
kind in the county. The Indians were frequent travelers there then. 
David Baldwin was a true pioneer — an active and very useful ir.Aj\. 
As a Christian, he was a Methodist local preacher; as a mech«inic, 
he was a blacksmith and cabinet-maker; and as a pioneer, a farmer, 
good bee-tree and deer hunter. He afterwards emigrated to Kansas, 
where he served under the famous John Brown." — "JJistory of Jay 
County, Indiana," M. W. Montgomery, pp. D'l, Do. 



Note 7. — Life and Letters of John Broun, V. I?. Sanborn, p. 228. 



Note 8. — History of Kansas, John 11. Uihon, p. 75. 



Note 9. — History of Kansas, John H. Gihon. p. 78. 



Note 10. — History of Kansas, John II. Gihon, p. 85. 



176 JOHN BE OWN 

NoTK 11. — History of Kansas, John H. Gihon, p. 91. 



Note 12. — History of Kajisas, John H. Gihon, p. 121. This de- 
scription was written in September following the war on the Potta- 
watomie, but Governor Geary had only just arrived. It is a good 
description of the conditions that had prevailed all the time after 
the arrival of Buford's men, the previous April. 



Note 13. — History of Kansas, John H. Gihon, p. 122. 



Note 14. — History of Kansas, John H. Gihon, p. 131. 



Note 15. — History of Kansas, John H. Gihon, p. 91. 



Note 16. — For a description and character of the Shermans, see 
Life and Letters of John Broirn, F. B. Sanborn, pp. 230, 253, 255, 
265, 323, 331. No viler or more brutal characters ever lived in any 
country. 

Note 17. — "In the first invasion of Kansas, one Hon. Allen Wil- 
kinson, who would not move to Kansas, was elected a member of the 
Legislature by some gentlemen who came into Kansas to assist in 
voting. After he was elected he was earnest in getting a bill through 
the Legislature which would result in hanging John Brown, before 
he knew him. Long before John Brown got to Kansas, Wilkinson 
had assisted in the passage of a law more rigid towards 'abolitionists' 
than any statesman before him had ever succeeded in engrafting upon 
the slave code. Mr. Wilkinson, the statesman, settled on the Potta- 
watomie. John Brown, the tanner and wool merchant, settled in 
his neighborhood. Mr. Wilkinson got tired of the delays of his own 
law, and notified Mr. Brown that he did not want him in that com- 
munity. John Brown had brought some cows there, and did not like 
to go away and leave his cows and other property, and having some 
apprehension of evil, and preferring not to be transformed into a 
'reprisal' (to change the elite of the University to the vernacular 
of the border ruffian) 'got the drop' on Wilkinson and his gentle 
friends, and made 'reprisals' of them."— Hon. John Speer, in a paper 
in the John Brown Documents in the library of the State Historical 
Society. 



WAR ON THE rOTTAWATOMIE 



177 



Note 18. — Young E. Allison, in Southern Bivouac, Vol. II, No. 9, 
February, 1887. Mr. Allison there describes the "poor white trash" 
of the slave-infested districts of the South, and endeavors to make 
it apply to the free men of Appalachian America who fought for 
liberty and the preservation of the Union, and who, by doing so, 
earned the undying hatred of the old slave-owners and their de- 
scendants. The recent attempt to disfranchise the Kentucky Republi- 
cans through the Goebel election law is only a manifestation of this 
hatred. 



Note 19. — Communicated to me by Montgomery Shore, one of the 
associates of John Brown, and a member of the company of Free- 
State men commanded by Captain S. T. Shore, his brother. Mr. Shore 
is a resident of Wyandotte county, where I have known him for 
almost twenty years, and where he was my personal and political 
friend. He is a man noted for integrity and worth of character, 
and is honored by his neighbors and held in high esteem by all who 
know him. He gave me much valuable information of the early 
days in Kansas. He was in the battle of Black Jack, and knew all 
the settlers on the Pottawatomie at the time of the war there. He 
worked for "Ottawa" Jones for some two years, but not steadily; 
he was held in high esteem by Mr. Jones. 



Note 20. — This circumstance was related to me by Mr. Edwin R. 
Partridge, of Topeka. He escaped from the dogs in the manner I 
have described. Mr. Partridge is one of the first settlers in the State. 
In 1844, when the great flood swept down the Missouri and the Kaw, 
he was camped on the site of the cemetery, east of Topeka. He was a 
member of an expedition to carry supplies and reinforcements to 
California to Fremont. Mr. Partridge was an associate of John 
Brown, and lived in the Pottawatomie settlement. George and 
William Partridge were his cousins. 



Note 21. — Life and Leticrs of John Broicn, F. B. Sanborn, p. 254. 



Note 22. — Charles A. Foster, in Life and Letters of John Brown, 
F. B. Sanborn, p. 256, note. He says: 

"In the spring of 18.56 William Sherman had taken a fancy to the 
daughter of one of his Free-State neighbors, and had been refused 
by her. The next time he met her he u^ed the most vile and insulting 

—12 



178 JOHN BROWN 

language toward her, in the midst of which Frederick Brown appeared 
and was besought for protection, which was readily granted. Sher- 
man then drew his knife, and, speaking to the young woman, said: 
'The day is soon coming when all the damned Abolitionists will be 
driven out or hanged; we are not going to make any half-way work 
about it; and as for jou, Miss, you shall either marry me or I'll 
drive this knife to the hilt until I find your life.' Frederick Brown 
quietly warned Sherman that if he attempted any violence he would 
be taken care of; when, with an oath and threat, Sherman left them." 



Note 23. — It is quite possible that there were two of these sur- 
veying expeditions, or that John Brown obtained information from 
both the camp of Georgians and also fi'om the Pro-Slavery settlers, 
by personating a Government surveyor. Read all the accounts of 
this matter in the works of Sanborn and Hinton. One of the accounts 
by Sanborn is as follows: 

"Brown, without consulting any one, determined to visit their camp 
and ascertain their plans. He therefore took his tripod, chain, and 
other surveying implements, and witli one of his younger sons started 
for the camp. Just before reaching the place he stuck his tripod, 
sighted a line through the center of the camp, and then with his son 
began 'chaining' the distance. The Southern men supposed him to be 
a Government surveyor (in those times, of course, Pro-Slavery), and 
were very free in telling him their plans. They were going over to 
Pottawatomie crl^k to drive off all the Free-State men; and there 
was a settlement of Browns on North iliddle creek, who had some 
of the finest stock, — these also they would 'clean out,' as well as the 
Dutch settlement between tl;e two rivers. Thy were asked who had 
given them inforUiation about the Browns, etc., and who was directing 
them about the country; and without any hesitation the Shermans, 
Doyles, Wilkinson, George Wilson, and others were named. In the 
midst of the talk these m.en walked into the camp, as ]\Ir. Foster 
says, and were received with manifestations of pleasure. A few days 
after, the camp was moved over to Pottawatomie creek, and the men 
began stealing horses, arms, etc. This had been going on for some 
weeks when the attack upon Lawrence was made in May." 

The Dutch settlement named in the above "was the neighboihood 
where Benjamin, Bondi, and Weiner had settled, and where the valua- 
ble warehouse of Weiner was afterwards burned. The Doyles and 
Wilkinson were not far off, and the Shermans at Dutch Henry's 
Crossing were between the 'Dutch settlement' and Buford's camp." — 
"Life and Letters of JoJin Brown," F. B. Sanborn, p. 230. 

Mr. E. A. Coleman made the following statement: 

"Brown replied: . . . 'Mr. Coleman, I will tell j^ou all about it, 
and you can judge whether I did wrong or not. I had heard that 



WAR OX THE rOTTAWATOMlE 179 

these men were coming to the cabin that my son and I were staying 
in' (I think he said the next Wednesday niglit) 'to set fire to it and 
shoot us as we ran out. Now, that was not proof er.ough for me; 
but I thought I would satisfy myself, and if they had ccnmiittcd 
murder in their hearts I would be justified in killing them. I was 
an old surveyor, so I disguised myself, took two men to carry the 
chain, and a fiagman. The lines not being run, I knew that as soon 
as they saw me they would come out to find out where their lines 
would come." And taking a book from his pocket he said: 'Here is 
Avhat every man said that was killed. I ran my lines close to each 
man's house. The first man tliat came out said: "Is that my line, 
sir?" I replied: ''I cannot tell; I am running test lines." I then 
said to him: "You have a fine country here: great pity there are so 
many Abolitionists in it." •'Yes. but by Ciod wc will soon clean theiu 
all out," he said. I kept looking through my instrument, making 
motions to the flagman to move either way, and at the same time I 
wrote every word they said; then I said: "1 hear that there are 
some bad men about here by the name of Brown." "Y"es, there are, 
but next Wednesday night we will kill them." So I ran the lines by 
each one of their houses, and I took down every word, and here it 
is word for word for each one.' " — The Kansas Memorial, pp. 196-7. 



Note 24. — Life and Letters of John Brown," F. B. Sanborn, p. 2G0, 
note. 

On the same page, in a note, is given the account rendered by John 
Brown, jr., of the first surveying expedition. He says: 

"Father took his surveyor's compass, and with him four of my 
brothers — Owen, Frederick, Salmon, and Oliver — as chain-carriers, 
ax-man, and marker, and found a section line on which, on follow- 
ing, led through the camp of these men. The Georgians indulged in 
the utmost freedom of expression. One of them, who appeared to be 
the leader of the company, said: 'We've come here to staJ^ We 
won't make no war on them as minds their own business; but all 
the Aboliticnists, such as them damned Browns over there, we're 
going to whip, drive out, or kill, — anj' way to get shut of them, by 
(T(id.' The eider Doyle was already there among them, having come 
from the Pottawatomie, a distance of nine miles, to show them the 
best fords of the river and creek." 



Note 25. — Life and Letters of John Broicn, F. B. Sanborn, p. 236. 



Note 26. — The full account of the outrages inflicted upon Mr. !Morse 
can be found in the statement made by George Grant; this state- 
ment is published in Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, 
pp. 255, 256. 



180 JOHN BEOWN 

Note 27.— This information of the whereabouts of "Dutch Henry" 
at this time was given me by Rev. J. G. Pratt, at the Old Settlers' 
First Annual Picnic (Wyandotte county), held at Chelsea Park, in 
Kansas City, Kansas, June 17th, 1896. Mr. Pratt came to Kansas 
as a missionary to the Shawnees, in 1837, and has lived here almost 
continuously since. The year after he came first, the Missionary 
Board sent out a young lady from North Yarmouth, Maine, to assist 
in the Mission school. This young lady afterwards married John T. 
Jones, or "Ottawa" Jones, the educated Indian and Christian gentle- 
man for whom Henry Sherman afterwards worked when he first came 
to Kansas. Mr. Jones and Mr. Pratt were ever intimate, warm and 
confidential friends. Mr. Jones often gave Mr. Pratt the account of 
this affair, and he always justified John Brown. 



Note 28. — Judge W. A. Johnson, of Garnett, Kansas, one of the 
Justices of the State Court of Visitation, author of the History of 
Anderson County, and one of the first settlers in Kansas, both in 
point of time and of legal attainments and also of high and honorable 
standing, has one of these notices, and has described it to me; but it 
was mislaid and he could not find it in time to send it to me that a 
copy of it might be printed here. 



Note 29. — "When the parting of the two companies took place, 
which I have previously related, John Brown and his party started 
for home. The first place they struck was the cabin of his son-in- 
law, which he found empty; next John Brown, jr.'s, which he also 
found empty. A neighbor informed him that the houses had been 
visited by the party from Pottawatomie, who had threatened to 
burn them over their heads. The women, being alarmed, found a 
yoke of cattle, yoked them to a cart, put their valuables into it with 
the children, and drove down to Mr. Adair's house, where we found 
them upon our return. The party, leaving Middle creek, proceeded 
on their way to Pottawatomie. Coming in sight of where Weiner's 
house should be, they found it burned, with a small stock of goods 
which it contained. A little farther on they found the house of 
August Bondi also burned, and he soon after appearing told them 
it was the party who that night were killed, together with 'Dutch 
Henry' and Judge Wilson, who had done the work." — "John Brotvn 
and His Men," BicJiard J. Einton, p. 603. 



WAIJ ()\ TIIK rO-pTAAVATOMIE 



181 



This is the statement of Major IT. II. Williams, who was the mes- 
senger sent by the Grants and other Free State settlers to bring 
help from the companies on the way to Lawrence. He afterwards 
married one of tlie daughters of ^Fr. d'rant. He says that it was the 
report that Judge Wilson was marked for death by Brown's com- 
pany, but being a member of a world-wide secret fraternity, was 
warned in time to flee and escape. 



Note 30. — ''I have heard the notorious Henry Sherman ('Dutch 
Henry' as he was called), declare under oath, that he would rather 
kill that old man who wore spectacles, that lived on the hill (meaning 
the Rev. David Baldwin, now living in Garnett, Anderson county), 
than to kill a rattlesnake, and believed he would be doing the coun- 
try service." — James Hanaay, in a MS. in the John Browri Docu- 
ments in the library of the State Ilislorical Society. 



Note 31. — As tending to still further show the conditions existing 
in the settlement on the Pottawatomie, a more lengthy quot-ation 
will be made here from the MS. of Judge Hanway, referred to in the 
preceding note. He says: 

"In reading history, we must, to understand it aright, not judge 
of acts and circumstances by the standard of our day, but by the 
times in which they transpired ; or in the language of ilr. Froude, the 
historian, "The equity of history requires that men be tried by the 
standard of their time.' This is tlic true measure of justice. 

"A few days after the destruction of the Free-State Hotel at 
Lawrence, and the destruction of the two printing-presses, in the 
month of ilay, '56, the Border Tn/ics, published in Westport, Missouri, 
after giving a short statement of the pillage and destruction of Law- 
rence, comments thus: it says, 'This is right, tiuisanccs should be 
sui)prcs[s]cd,' and then [urges] the Pro-Slavery party of the Terri- 
tory 'to drive [out] and exterminate every black-hearted abolitionist, 
and drive them- from the Territory.' 

'"This paper was circulated in the Territory, and obtaining a copy 
of it. I copied its remarks into my scrap-book. There it is; ponder 
it well, for it came from tlie party who called themselves 'the law 
and order party.' Here then is evidence that orders from head- 
quarters were to exterminate and drive out all the 'black-hearted 
abolitionists.' The result of such advice was, that Doyle and his 
sons called on a man who kept a small store, near the crossing of 
the creek, of the name of Morse, and told him to pack up his goo<ls, 
move off his claim, and make his exit from the Territory within five 
days, or they would kill him. His offense consisted in selling some 
lead to the party who had left in defense of Lawrence. (This cir- 



182 JOHN BROWN 

cumstance was taken to old John Brown while in camp on Ottawa 
creek.) Morse objected to obey the orders of these ruffians, and re- 
mained. A few days after the tragedy he was arrested by the United 
States Marshal, but as there was no evidence against him he was 
set at liberty. 

"The Shermans repeatedly made threats to shoot and exterminate 
Free-State men, and when the news of the fall of Lawrence was re- 
ceived one of the Shermans it is said raised a red flag, which was 
the sign that the war was commenced, and they would do their part. 
This fact I received from a trustworthy person, who was also ordered 
to leave the Territory. Other Free-State families had been notified 
to leave by the Shermans, in five days. . . . 

"Wilkinson, the postmaster, and member of the bogus Legislature 
from this district, frequently made threats of burning and killing, etc. 
He was a violent party man, and his wife remarked to Dr. R. Gillpat- 
rick, Avho was the first person who called at the house of Wilkinson 
after he had been killed,— said that she had frequently urged him to 
be more quiet and moderate in his language, but she added, h'^e would 
not regard her advice. These deluded men had doubtless concluded 
that as Lawrence had been sacked and burned, that the Free-State 
party was annihilated; that the war of extermination was to be 
followed up, as the Border Times, of Westport, had promulgated the 
orders to be carried out. There was, however, nothing new in this 
program, — it was only carrying out the policy of the Pro-Slavery 
leaders of the previous year. 

"General Whitfield, in a speech on accepting the nomination for 
Congress before the convention, thus speaks: 'If you place upon me 
the responsibility of the formation of a platform, you may rest cer- 
tain that the enemy will be met on the square, with only two issues, 
"slavery or no slavery." We can recognize but two parties in the 
Territory — the Pro-Slavery and the Anti-Slavery parties. If the citi- 
zens of Kansas want to live in this community in peace and feel at 
home, they must become Pro-Slavery men; but if they Avant to live 
with gangs of thieves and robbers, they must go with the abolition 
party. There can be no third party — no more than two issues — 
slavery or no slavery, in Kansas Territory.' 

"Dr. Stringfeilow remarked, 'the laws must be executed,' and said 
that by executing the laws passed by the Legislature, every free- 
soiler tvho had any respect ivoiild be driven from the Territory, for 
no man tvith the spirit of a gentleman loould stay in a country lohere 
the expression of his opinion teas forbidden by legal enactments.' 
He of course referred to the 12th section of the bogus slave code, 
which provides that the promulgation of abolition or free-soil opinions 
is to be punished by two years' imprisonment with hard labor in the 
penitentiary. 

"Dr. Stringfeilow, after one of his marauding expeditions through 
Kansas, writes an article in the Squat fer Sovereign: 'Home again. 
After a campaign of over two weeks in the Territory, we have been 
subject to the arduous duties of a soldier's life, we have returned to 



WAli ON TlIK I'OTl'AWAro.MlK 



1S3 



our hnnio to rosumc our long-nof,'lpcto(l husinoss. Wo are still of the 
opinion tliut the two parties eannot exist in the Territory. We hope 
our friends in this portion of Kansas who have been subjeets of 
jiiany insults and injuries from these Northern harpies will uo lonfjrr 
suffer them to 7-cmain in their 7tiidst. Treat them as you would the 
midnifilit assassin, for they are no less, and whenever they are seen 
with arms in their hands, let the crack of your rifle be the only saluta- 
tion tliey receive from you. . . . Kansas, deprived of the aid 
hitherto received from the Southern allies, would prove an easy prey 
to the rapacious thieves of the North. We can tell the impertinent 
scoundrel of the Tribune, that they may exhaust an ocean of ink, 
tlieir emigration aid societies spend their millions and billions, their 
representatives in Congress spout their heretical theories till dooms- 
day, and his excellency Franklin Pierce appoint abolitionists after 
free-soilers as our governors: yet we will continue to tar and feather, 
droicu, iyneh and hang every ichile-livered abolitionist, uho dares 
to pollute our soil.' 

'"Is it surprising that the ignorant and deluded followers of the 
slave power, like the Doylcs, \Vilkinson. and Shermans, should at- 
tempt to carry out tlic advice which their leaders announced was 
necessary to establish slavery in the Territory? There cannot be a 
reasonable doubt that IJrown and his party took the border rufTians 
at their word, and considered it his duty to strike first; a mere ques- 
tion of time,"' 

"The Border Times (of Westport. Mo.) did issue an extra on the 
morning of the 23d, the day John Biown was notified of the inten- 
tion cf driving out or executing the Free-State settlers on the Potta- 
watomie. This 'war extra' contained a false statement that a Mr, 
Cox, with his wife, had been shot at, as well as other persons near 
Frankiin, and goes on to say: 'Fish's Abolition hotel may meet with 
an accident. All nuisances should be abolished.' Paschal Fish was 
an educated Shawnee Indian; never had been an abolitionist; was a 
humane, good man, — a preacher of the Methodist Church, and there- 
fore a dangerous character, because he would not aid in nmrdering 
and driving out Free-State people. 

"Recollect, on the 21st Lawrence had been sacked and robbed, 
two printing-presses destroyed, and the hotel and other property 
burned. This 'war extra' goes on to say: 'There should be no mistake 
in this matter; our Mi.^souri friends must understand that this is but 
the beginnig of the end. ^Ve want you still, and if our citizens are 
to be shot at simply because they are true to Southern principles 
[in burning hotels and printing-offices, and murdering abolitionists] 
in the streets of Lawrence, in open day, and that, too, within four- 



184 



JOHN BEOWN 



and-twenty hours of receiving such a hitter lesson as the Pro-Slavery 
men taught them on the 21st instant, we have but one resource left, 
and that is to level Lawrence, and, if necessary, every other abolition 
settlement in Kansas, with the ground. We pity the women and 
children on whom this unhappy state of affairs falls, but the respon- 
sibility must rests with the fanatics who preached Sharps' rifles and 
armed resistance to the laws. 

" 'Come, then; we call upon every true-hearted Pro-Slavery man 
and Son of the South, to come up and help us.' 

"Bear in mind, reader, this was a Pro-Slavery paper in Missouri, 
calling on 'Mississippians' and 'Sons of the South,' but one day before 
John Brown executed the Pro-Slavery men, to overrun all Kansas, 
burn all her towns and murder her people, and in much sympathy 
saying that the women and children must share their fate. The 
probabilities are, and the facts tend all that way, that this 'extra' 
had not only reached their leaders, Wilkinson, and William Sherman, 
. . . but that John Brown had also seen it, and that in pursuance 
of it the notice was sent to John T. Grant, that they must leave or 
die. Brown, getting that notice, made prompt work. Instead of 
John T. Grant, Townsley, Judge Hanway and John Brown hanging 
on trees, the executioners who had given the notice were themselves 
executed. 

"At this very time the women and children at Lawrence were 
subsisting on cracked corn and cracked wheat, ground but not bolted, 
in the little mills for cracking corn for cattle, and in many instances 
broken with a hammer on the poll of an axe. If these brutal men 
of Missouri could threaten anything worse than this, what could it 
be?" — Hon. John Speer, in The Home Journal, Lawrence, December 
18, 1879. . . 



pTiAPTKrv vir. 

WAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE-C'OrP DE MAITRE. 

The raven croaks! 
The black cloud is low over the thane's castle; 
The eagle screams — he rides on its bo?oin. 
Scream not, gray rider of the sable cloud, 
Thy banquet is prepared! 
The maidens of Valhalla look forth. 
The race of Hengist will send them guests. 
Shake your black tresses, maidens of Valhalla, 
And strike your loud timbrels for joy ! 
Many a haughty step bends to your halls, 
Many a helmed head. 

Dark sits the evening upon tlie thane's castle, 
The black clouds gather round; 

Shrink not then from your doom, sons of the sword ! 
Let your blades drink blood like wine; 
Feast ye in the banquet of slaughter, 
By the light of the blazing halls! 
Strong be your swords while your blood is warm. 
And spare neither for pity nor fear, 
For vengeance hath but an hour. 

— Sir ^yalier Scott. 

Governor Robinson thus defines Eli Tliajer's theory of 
freedom in Kansas: 

" Eli Thayer, as he has often said, looked upon the 
struggle in Kansas as the entering-wedge in the contlict 
for tlie overthrow of slavery in the nation. Freedom once 
planted in Kansas would spread east and south in accord- 
ance with the popular sovereignty of the Kansas-Nebraska 
bill, till not a slave should be found in any State. This 

(185) 



186 



JOHN BROWN 




WAR UN THE POTTAWATO.NflE 187 

was the view of the agents of the Aid Company and many 
others wlio came to Kansas from the Xorth and East." 

This theory, as stated hy ^\v. Thayer's most devoted 
friend and closest confidant., was : Make Kansas a 
free State without any regard to the slave question as it 
aifeets the country at large, — without any regard to the 
1 igJii or icrong of slavery, — then the beauties of freedom 
and its advantages, as exemplified in Kansas under the 
squatter features of the Douglas bill, will so impress and 
appeal to the slave States that they will voluntarily abolish 
the slave system ancl give freedom to the slaves. As free- 
dom was to "spread east and south," it is supposed that 
Missouri was counted upon as the first convert to this 
"epidemic" theory of freedom, and, no doubt, Arkansas 
was to become the second. This theory was to "spread" 
until not a slave was left in "any State." 

It may be well affirmed that if a whimsical, imprac- 
ticable, and foolish vagary was ever promulgated on earth 
it was this. This squatter feature had always remained to 
the Southern States. Mr. Thayer would have us believe 
that no State was empowered to free the slaves it contained 
until the Douglas bill became a law. But the truth is, any 
State could have liberated its slaves at any time, if it had 
desired to do so. Slavery rested upon the sentiment of 
the people of the South quite as much as it rested upon 
legal enactments; in fact, there could have been no enact- 
ments without the existence first of the sentiment. And 
the whole South had seen the rapid progress of the Xorth 
under freedom, and the decadence of the South under slav- 
ery; but public sentiment there had increased for slavery 
until its aggressions bad upset the solemn compact of the 



188 



JOHN BEOWN 



nation and created the conditions existing at the very time 
of the promulgation of Thayer's ridiculous ''epidemic" 
theory. He seemed to forget that Missouri, the first State 
into which his theory was to ''spread," bordered on two 
free States, Illinois and Iowa: Illinois had been a free 
State and Missouri a slave State for more than thirty 
years. The Free-State men who encountered these same 
Mi&sourians on the plains of Kansas could discover no 
sentiment in them in favor of Mr. Thayer's theory. Their 
favorite theory was the extermination of Free-State men ! 
— the nationalization of slavery ! But Governor Eobinson 
very j)roperly and correctly saj'S that there existed an ele- 
ment in Kansas who held to this preposterous theory.^ 

It was very fortunate for the settlers on the Pottawato- 
mie, and in fact for all the Free-State men of Kansas, 
that there were no men in the camp on Middle Ottawa 
creek on the 23d of May who were believers in so trans- 
parent an absurdity. These men had guns in their hands. 
They were practical, common-sense men. They had not 
gotten beyond the impression that when their country was 
invaded by whisky-sodden ruffians, armed, loudly proclaim- 
ing their intention to exterminate Free-State people, — in 
this extremity these men had somehow gotten the idea that 
they were in duty bound to defend their families and homes 
as best they could. They may have been mistaken, and in 
fact we are often told by the non-resistants that they were 
wrong; but they had their wives and children on an ex- 
posed and dangerous frontier, and they were threatened 
with death by as relentless and brutal foes as ever carried 
desolation and rapine into a border-land. These Free-State 
men in camp on the Middle Ottawa creek were mistaken to 



WAR ON THE rOTTAWATOMIE 189 

that degree that they imagined they were justified in trying 
to defend their liomes and make some effort to turn back the 
liordos of invasion ! Actnal occurrences and experiences 
made impressions upon them, strange as it may seem! If 
a man burned a house, they were foolish enough to believe 
he meant mischief! If he came with a blood-red notice 
to warn a family to move away by a certain day on pain of 
death, they mistrusted that he might mean harm ! And 
when he went to cabins where were wives and children of 
men on the road to defend Lawrence and threatened mur- 
der, driving mothers and children to seek safety in flight 
after terrorizing them with the avowed intention of burn- 
ing the cabins over their heads, and even outrage, these 
men felt that there was danger which called upon them to 
take some steps to defend their families! But they were 
only plain men, intent upon having some share of their 
rights if thej had to fight for them ; and having, also, some 
idea, mistaken or otherwise, that duty demanded that they 
defend their families with their lives, and if in doing so 
they killed some ruffian they might be justified in the eyes 
of all right-thinking men ! 

The message carried by Mr. Williams to the camp on 
Middle Ottawa creek was not sent to any particular person 
or commander ; it was a statement of conditions and 
an appeal for help.^ John Brown heard the message de- 
livered. He immediately declared : ''I will attend to those 
fellows."^ He called for volunteers to return with him to 
the Pottawatomie. His son, John Brown, jr., objected to 
the separation of the men at that time, but as many as were 
required to make an investigation were readily secured. 
It has often been asked Avhy the whole company did not 



190 JOJIN BEOWN 

return, if there was danger to the Pottawatomie settle- 
ments. There was but a portion of the company from that 
particular settlement. And Judge Hanwaj says that it 
had been determined to proceed, and rescue Doctor Rob- 
inson, as it was expected that he would be brought by 
a certain route to Lecompton.'* It was learned later that 
he was taken over a different road. Then, it was not 
known just what would be necessary in the settlement when 
John Brown left the camp. And the camp was but a few 
liours' ride from the Pottawatomie, and from it reinforce- 
ments could be speedily obtained. Again, as they were 
not to go on to Lawrence, they would perhaps all return to 
their homes in a day or two, and arrive in time to prevent 
the expulsion of the Free-State settlers on the following 
Wednesday.^ Whatever the reason, it is nowhere set 
down that they remained away because they supposed no 
danger threatened. 

The party which left the camp on Middle Ottawa creek 
to return to the Pottawatomie consisted of John Brown 
and his sons Frederick, Owen, Watson and Oliver, and his 
son-in-law Henry Thompson, Theodore Weiner, and James 
Townsley, — eight. It was soon known in the camp that 
Brown had raised a company to return to the Pottawatomie 
in response to the appeal for protection, and to take such 
action as might be required by the conditions found exist- 
ing there when the company arrived. Some were requested 
to go, and told what would be done should necessity require 
it, who declined to go. Indeed no secret was made of the 
intentions of the company, nor of the purpose for which 
it was to return in advance of the company of enlisted 
"Rifles." The men who remained in camp helped to grind 



WAK ON THE POTTAWATOMIE 191 

the swords of those who returned. "When the little party 
moved out to go in the defense of home and family, three 
cheers were given by the men who remained, and the com- 
mander of the company says all knew that a blow of retalia- 
tion was to be struck.*^ The departure was open, public, 
amid the cheers of companions in arms, in nowise secret^ 
with no intention that it should be so. All the party except 
Theodore Weiner rode in the wagon of James Townsle\'. 
Weiner rode his own gray pony. It seems that he was not 
a member of the Pottawatomie Rifles, but that he had fled 
to the camp the previous day, after having received his 
notice to quit the Territory. It is claimed by some that 
his store had been burned by the Doyles and others, and 
that he had been obliged to fly for his life, but the prepon- 
derance of the evidence says that Captain Pate burned 
his store a few days later. The Doyles only delivered the 
notice, and accomj^anied it with dire throats of what would 
follow its disregard. 

The only evidence we have of the party's having been 
seen on the road is contained in a letter written by Colonel 
James Blood, twenty-three years after the occurrence.^ lie 
was a very timid man, and was slipping into Lawrence bj' 
a ruiindaliont way to escape the rnflians. He says he met 
the party a few miles north of Dutch Henry's Crossing. 
The letter contains many curious and strange statements, 
contradictory of what is now known to be true, and insist- 
ing upon what is known to be false. A mile north of Dutch 
Henry's Crossing the party went into camp in the woods 
between deep ravines. What happened in this camp for 
the next twenty-four hours is set out in Townsley's state- 
ment. If he had not nuide several statements, no two 



192 JOHN BEOWN 

alike — all different — our knowledge of the actions of the 
party at this point might be easily gained, and be very 
satisfactory after we had obtained it. In his later state- 
ments Townsley maintains that the party remained inactive 
here all the night and following day, trying to induce him 
to point out all the Pro-Slavery men in the settlements on 
the Pottawatomie, so that they might "sweep the creek," 
and destroy them indiscriminately. He remained obdu- 
rate, and the expedition could do nothing until the follow- 
ing night, when he agreed to point out only a stipulated 
number of the ruffians; and then the work was done, — 
the Pro-Slavery men killed. This is preposterous, when 
it is remembered that John Brown knew the location of 
the Pro-Slavery settlers quite as well as Townsley.^ And 
it is disproved by what actually occurred. Brown had no 
intention of "sweeping the creek." He only sought the 
guilty ; and two Pro-Slavery men who were captured were 
returned to their homes unharmed, because they satisfied 
Brown that they had no part in the outrages inflicted, and 
no intention to join in those contemplated. If Brown 
had desired or intended to kill indiscriminately, he would 
never have spared these men who were found so near the 
house of Henry Sherman and where he found William 
Sherman. In one of his statements Townsley says he did 
not point out other persons to be killed, because it was too 
near daylight when those who w^ere killed had been dis- 
posed of. Other men of the party have left statements 
of what occurred in the camp and in the settlement on the 
24th of May. They are entitled to as much credit as 
Townsley, especially since his stories do not always agree. 
The many contradictory statements make it difficult to 



WAR OX THE POTTAWATOMIE 1\) ^ t 

reach a satisfactory determination. The most that can be 
said is, that what did actuallv take place in the camp of 
Brown and his party on the niglit of the 23d and the fol- 
lowing day must for the present remain a matter of con- 
jecture, with the absolute certainty that it was not spent 
as Townsley says in his last statements that it was occupied. 
All that Townsley was invited to join the party for was 
to carry them in his wagon — nothing else. Every member 
of the party knew the settlement as well as Townsley knew 
it. Let us endeavor to account for the day — May 24th — 
from what reliable evidence we have. 

It is maintained by almost all the early writers on Kan- 
sas history — those who were here at the time and should 
have known — that these men had a trial. The known 
circumstances tend to confirm their statements. That 
some inquiry or investigation was conducted by Brown 
during the day of the 24th of May, is quite possible, even 
probable. Brown told Governor George A. Crawford, 
"that the death of those Pro-Slavery men had been deter- 
mined upon at a meeting of the Free-State settlers the 
V before; that he was present at the meeting, and, I 
presided, and that the executioners were then and 
pointed." Governor Crawford was a man of re- 
jly dear comprehension and vivid recollection, and 
J is no doubt that John Brown told him precisely what 
J has recorded.^ Gihon, the private secretary of Gov- 
ernor Geary, says : "These five men were seized and dis- 
armed, a sort of trial was had, and in conformity with the 
sentence passed, were shot in cold blood. This was doubt- 
less an act of retaliation for the work done but a few days 

before at Lawrence." Ilolloway, in his history, says: 
—13 



1^?94: JOHN BEOWN 

" Pro-Slavery men in the region of Osawatomie had for 
some time been very impudent, bold and threatening. The 
spirit of extermination which incited the destroyers of 
Lawrence and which had been breathing its threats along 
the border all spring, at once seized the Pro-Slavery men 
of that section. . . . When the men about Osawat- 
omie were absent at Lawrence, their Pro-Slavery neighbors 
visited their defenseless families, insulted and notified 
them to leave the country, and threatened, in case they did 
not observe this order, to kill them all. . . . On the 
return of Captain John Brown, junior, and his company, 
and learning of the deep-laid plots of assassination, a coun- 
cil was held near Osawatomie, at which the question of 
taking the field and engaging in actual hostilities was dis- 
cussed, of which Caj^tain John Brown, senior, warmly 
advocated the affirmative. The majority of the company, 
on its being put to a vote, deciding against him, he stepped 
out from the ranks, and with sword upraised, called upon 
all who were willing to begin the 'war in earnest' to fol- 
low him. About eight responded, and with them he left 
the camp of his son, to begin his memorable career. Pro- 
ceeding up the Marais des Cygnes a short distance, he 
halted his men, and there, in the still and deep-tangled 
woods, held a council. Exactly what w^as said is not 
known. But Brown soon infused in his followers his own 
spirit of determination and hostility to slavery. At this 
council it was determined whenever any demonstration 
towards executing the plot to massacre Free-State men 
should be made, that certain parties should be killed on 
the spot." 

Redpath says: 

"A meeting of the intended victims was held; and it 
was determined that on the first indication of the mas- 
sacre, the Doyles, — a father and two sons, — Wilkinson, 
and Sherman should be seized, tried by lynch law, and 



WAR ON THE rOTTAWATOMIE 105 

summarily killed. ... On tlic ni<;iit of the 24th of May^ 
the Doylcs, Wilkinson, and Sherman wore seized, tried, 
and slain. This act was precij)itated by a brutal assault 
committed during the forenoon on a Free-State man at the 
store of Sherman, in which the Doyles were the principal 
and most ruffianly participators. These wretches, on the 
same day, called at the house of the Browns; and, both 
in words and by acts, offered the grossest indignities to a 
daughter and daughter-in-law of the old man. As they 
went away, they said, 'Tell your men that if they don't 
leave right off, we'll come back to-morrow and kill them.' 
They added, in language too vile for publication, that the 
women would then suffer the worst brutalities." 

Tuttle's History of Kansas thus portrays this feature 
of the event: 

" In addition to this instance of wanton cruelty, the 
Missouri settlers about Osawatomie availed themselves of 
the absence of the free-soil fighting men, to visit and in- 
sult their wives and families, giving them orders to quit 
the Territory on pain of death. There may have been no 
deliberate intention back of all these threats, but there is 
abundant reason to be found in the tactics of the party 
elsewhere for the assumption that every Free-State settler 
would have been compelled to vacate his lot, if he could 
not defend it with his own right arm. . . . The belief 
was common that the whole settlement, and the Browns 
more particularly, would be destroyed by an act of sim- 
ultaneous assassination, and there were very few that 
wished to sit calmly down and wait for the consummation, 
A council of war was held, and 'Old John' advocated war 
on the instant. The majority inclined to bide the course 
of events, waiting for reinforcements and watching the 
enemy closely, but a small minority of nine, including the 
leader, declared for the arbitrament of the sword. It is 
not easy for us to determine which policy was the best. 



196 



JOHN BEOWN 



The younger BroM^ns were not among those who followed 
the more impetuous leader, but the men who had chosen the 
more eventful career were soon heard from. The little 
array of observation determined, upon mature consulta- 
tion, that certain men who were the leading spirits of the 
Pro-Slavery section, and had made themselves peculiarly 
conspicuous by their evil deeds during the Lawrence in- 
vasion, should be held responsible for the actions of their 
party, and if any indication appeared that the scheme of 
murder was to be prosecuted, they should be destroyed 
instanter, as a precautionary measure." 

The other early writers almost all declare that the men 
had a trial. There are mistakes in the works of the writers, 
and some of their errors are contained in the quotations 
given ; they appear when the statements are compared with 
what we now know to be the truth. The writers were not 
in possession of all the facts. But there is unanimity on 
the point that the men had a sort of trial. All the circum- 
stances that have come to light in later years confirm this 
view. It is not contended that this was any regular trial 
by a competent legal tribunal. It was only a sort of in- 
quiry into the danger the families were in ; the evidence 
was believed to be sufficient to warrant the killing of those 
afterward slain, and they were killed accordingly. 

BroAvn told Mr. E. A. Coleman : " I had heard these 
men were coming to the cabin that my son and I were stay- 
ing in" (I think he said the next Wednesday night) "to set 
fire to it and shoot us as we ran out. ISTow that was not 
proof enough for me." He then described to Coleman 
and his wife how he disguised himself, took his surveying 
implements and ran lines by the houses of each of these 
men, recording in a book what each man said of the con- 



WAR OX TIIK POTTAWATOMIE 197 

templatod course towards the Free-State settlers. He 
foinul that the death of tlie Browns "next Wednesday 
nii^lit" had been fully determined upon. And no doubt 
he found true all that he had heard at the camp on Middle 
Ottawa creek. ^^ Anyone reading Mr. Coleman's state- 
ment of the surveying expedition and the statements of 
others concerning the running of the lines through the 
camp of Buford's men, must conclude that there were two 
surveying parties engaged in by John Brown. In that to 
the camp he depended for his safety upon the fact that 
he was a surveyor. In the one Mr. Coleman describes he 
disguised himself, probably because he was to meet and 
talk to men who knew him well. That John Brown, and 
perhaps the others of his party, were engaged upon that 
day in finding out for themselves the exact conditions 
then and there existing, it is most reasonable to believe. 
The mere message to the camp by the settlers was not 
"proof enough" for him ; he must be convinced by his own 
investigations that they "had committed murder in their 
hearts." Having informed himself thoroughly of the in- 
tention of the Shermans and their tools, he reported to a 
meeting of the settlers assembled for the purpose of deter- 
mining what should be done. At this meeting the situa- 
tion was reviewed, the execution of the guilty parties 
determined upon, and the executioners appointed. This 
is what the statements of Governor Crawford and Mr. 
Coleman establish. These statements are founded upon 
what Brown himself said, and in each instance he avowed 
the killing and his own participation in it, and assumed his 
full share of the guilt, if guilt there was ; and as Governor 
Robinson savs he did not base his reason? for this act on 



198 JOHN BROWN 

self-defense, lie could have no object in making any mis- 
statement of these preliminary and minor affairs. All 
the circumstances point to a day spent in investigation into 
affairs; John Brown said it was; he said the sentence 
of death was passed in the meeting of settlers. It is true 
that he was an interested party, testifying in his own 
behalf. But his testimony should be as good as that of 
Townsley, who told at least three different stories of the 
expedition, and was also an interested party, speaking in 
his own interest. And this view is still further confirmed 
by what Brown told Colonel Samuel Walker, of Lawrence. 
They went to the Nebraska line to escort into Kansas 
Lane's Army of the ^N'orth. We give Mr. Walker's state- 
ment at length as recorded in Sanborn's Life of Brown: 

''Then Walker said he would take him back under escort, 
with Brown's help; and they started so, with twenty or 
thirty men, and Brown among them. When they camped 
for the night. Brown, according to his custom, went 
away to sleep by himself; and Walker describes him as 
sitting bolt upright on his saddle, with his back against a 
tree, his horse 'lariated' to the saddle-peak, and Brown 
asleep with his rifle across his knees. At early dawn 
Walker went up to waken Brown, and as he touched him on 
the shoulder Brown sprang up 'quick as a cat,' leveled, 
cocked, and discharged his piece, which Walker threw up 
with his hand in time to escape death ; but the bullet grazed 
his shoulder. 'That shows how quick he was ; but he was 
frightened afterward, when he saw it was I he had fired 
at. Then,' said Walker, 'as we rode along together, Brown 
was in a sort of study ; and I said to him, "Captain Brown, 
I would n't have your thoughts for anything in the world." 
Brown said, "I suppose you are thinking about the Potta- 
watomie affair." Said I, "Yes." Then he stopped and 
looked at me and said, "Captain Walker, I saw that whole 



WAR ON TIIK POTTAWAroMlK 



199 



thing, but I (lid not strike a blow. / ial-c the re.^ponsihiUlif 
of it; but there were men icho advised doing it, and after- 
ward failed to justify it," ' nicaning, as Walker supposed, 
Lane and Ivobinson. Walker now believes Brown, and can- 
not think that Townsley's statement about Brown's shoot- 
ing Doyle through the head is correct; 'for Brown would 
never tell me what was not true, and would not deny to me 
anything he had really done.' " 

Brown may have meant that Lane and Robinson advised 
and failed to justify the Pottawatomie killings, but we 
believe he meant to say here that some of the settlers in 
the vicinity advised the action and afterwards failed to 
justify it. But we recur to our former conclusion, that 
what did actually take place in the Pottawatomie settle- 
ment on the 24th day of ]\[ay is not clear — is not estab- 
lished beyond doubt, and is a matter of conjecture. That 
the day was not spent in idle and fruitless argument with 
Townsley to overcome his scruples as to the nianher of 
men to be killed, we may well believe.^ ^ John Brown, as 
Governor Robinson has well said, did not rely entirely 
upon self-defense for his justification. But that he might 
well have rested his cause upon this ground, we now know.'- 
He also knew it. But in meting out justice to these 
guilty parties he looked beyond the matter of self-defense. 
It was a blow for Kansas, then prostrate and bleeding. 
And above all, it was a thrust at slavery, and time proved 
that it was one of a very serious nature to that institution. 

As to the number slain and the manner in which the 
men were killed, we are not left in doubt.''' Those who 
were released by the party, as well as tlie widows of Doyle 
and Wilkinson, made affidavits in which their recollections 
are preserved; and the statements of Townsley confirm 



200 



JOHN BROWN 



much tliey said, and tliej are evidently in the main true.^* 
The Doyles were the first to meet death. Mrs. Doyle 
testified that Brown's party arrived at her house about 
eleven o'clock on Saturday night, the 24th day of May. 
The name of her husband was James P. Doyle; those of 
her slain sons were William and Drury. William was 
''about" twenty-two years of age, and Drury was "about" 
twenty, she said. The Doyles were of that class of poor 
whites that never know the precise and exact ages of their 
children. They determine the dates by some event that 
occurred about the time of their births, such as being more 
brutally intoxicated than usual, or shooting a neighbor 
or his ox or his dog, or the "high water," or "the overflow," 
or being chased from a community for petty thieving. So, 
the sons were "about" twenty-two and twenty respectively, 
as Mrs. Doyle said.^^ 

John Brown and his sons Owen, Watson and Oliver, and 
his son-in-law, went to the house and brought out Doyle and 
his two sons. They were taken a short distance down the 
road towards the Crossing and there killed with swords. 
The son, William, attempted to escape by running away^ 
but was soon overtaken and cut down.^^ Townsley says that 
John Brown shot "the old man" Doyle in the forehead 
with his pistol; this has always been denied by the other 
members of the company. John Brown said to CajDtain 
Walker, "I saw the whole thing, but I did not strike a 
blow." He commanded the company, and the ruffians were 
all executed by his direction ; there was absolutely no rea- 
son why he should deny killing anyone if he had "struck 
a blow." Mrs. Doyle says she heard two shots here, and 
also a "wild whoop." There is much contradiction in the 



WAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE 201 

evidence concerning the number of shots fired by the party 
during the killing. Townsloy says one was fired here by 
Brown. This does not agree with what Mrs. Doyle said. 
Tdwnsley keeps in the background any work he may have 
done, and says he was always one of those left on guard. 
By his own statement, he was not where he could see who 
did the killing. Others of the party say they heard a shot 
below them while they were at Harris's house, and that 
they did not know what the shot meant. Those in the 
house say they heard a cap burst; they evidently heard no 
shot, and believe that the cap was exploded as a signal for 
the others to leave the house where they had been left as 
guards and return to their leader.^'^ 

It was past midnight when the party arrived at the 
house of Allen Wilkinson, His wife was sick with 
measles. He seems to have been suspicious, and to have 
manifested a strong disposition to not come out when sum- 
moned. The party forced him to open the door. His wife 
entreated for him, but he was marched away and swiftly 
and silently slain with swords. His body was dragged 
from the road and left.^^ Brown and his party of swift 
and terrible vengeance went noiselessly in search of the 
Shermans. 

In his statement Townsley says that the party went from 
the house of Wilkinson to that of the Shermans. Here, 
according to him, two persons were brought out and ques- 
tioned ; afterwards they were taken back to the house and 
not molested further. He says that when they were re- 
turned, William Sherman ("Dutch Bill") was brought out, 
taken to the rivei', and slain with swords.^* A Mr. James 
Harris made an affidavit for Mr. Oliver, of the Congres- 



202 JOHN BKOWN 

sional Committee of Investigation, in whicli lie says that 
William Sherman was taken from his house. He was 
living near the house of "Dutch Henry." William Sher- 
man and two others were staying overnight with him.^** 
He says William Sherman was taken out, after the others 
had been taken out and brought back by Brown and his 
men, and did not return ; and that at about ten o'clock the 
following morning he found Sherman lying in the creek, 
dead, his skull having been split with some weapon. There 
are many other discrepancies in the statement of Townsley^ 
and they become apparent when it is examined with the 
affidavits of the Doyles, Mrs. Wilkinson and Mr. Harris. 
There are still more to be found, and many of them 
irreconcilable, when examined with the statements of the 
other members of the body of men who did the killing on 
the Pottawatomie. The Pro-Slavery affidavits agree in 
saying that the party represented themselves as a portion 
of the "Northern Army," and searched for and carried 
away arms and ammunition, as well as saddles. One of the 
party took a pony and other horses belonging to Henry 
Sherman, 

The fact that Townsley believed William Sherman was 
taken from the house of " Dutch Henry," when in fact he 
was not, goes far to disprove his statement that he was to 
"point out the Pro-Slavery settlers" so that the creek 
might be "swept." It might be said that he was to do this 
"pointing out" in the vicinity of his own home, but he 
gives us the impression that John Brown originally de- 
pended upon him to do the guiding that was to "sweep 
the creek." Townsley doubtless tells much truth, but it is 
plain, that from some motive, he did not tell all the truth. 



"WAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE 203 

In his first statement, or one of the first, he says the party 
were going from honse to house in his wagon when the 
killing was done, or at least leaves us to infer that. "They 
then wanted Mr. T. to drive them to another place, but it 
was now late at night, and he declined to take them any 
farther." ^^ This is the only statement in the first of 
Townsley's "confessions" about any refusal to obey orders, 
and completely disposes of the statement in his last "con- 
fession" that this refusal was made on the first night when 
he would not consent to kill all the Pro-Slavery settlers, 
but did afterwards consent to kill some of them. The 
facetious Mr. Spring remarks that "his theological educa- 
tion had evidently been neglected." 

In one of his statements, the one upon which most re- 
liance is placed, Townsley says that from the house of 
Henry Sherman the party returned to the camp, where he 
had left his team. They remained here in camp until the 
afternoon of the following day, when they set out to return 
to the camp of the military company on Middle Ottawa 
creek, arriving there about midnight. All the evidence 
is agreed that no prisoner was carried to their camp by 
the party who did the killing. Harris says that the two 
men taken first from his house were brought back and re- 
mained with him, leaving the next morning. In 1880 one 
James Christian wrote a sensational letter in which he 
made a bid for notoriety. It will perhaps result in all the 
distinction he hoped to gain, but of a dishonorable, dis- 
reputable, and infamous variety. He says one of these 
young men was taken from the house of Mr. Harris ; that 
he was detained until the next morning in the camp of 
Brown, and that when John Brown raised his hands to 



204 



JOHN BROWN 



ask a blessing upon their breakfast they were stained with 
the dried blood of his victims. This statement is improba- 
ble in itself. It is disproved by all the evidence on both 
sides. It bears all the marks of being manufactured out 
of whole cloth. It is made by a man who says another 
man gave him the information from which he writes, a 
short time before he was killed by the Browns, twenty-four 
years before the letter was written. The statement made in 
this letter is wholly disproved by the affidavit of Harris 
and by all of Townsley's statements.^^ 

There has been much controversy as to whether John 
Brown himself killed any one of these men on the Potta- 
watomie or not. Townsley says he shot the "old man" 
Doyle with his pistol. The affidavits of the Doyles say 
that the elder Doyle had the mark of a pistol-ball on his 
forehead. John Brown told many persons that he killed 
no man at Pottawatomie, but never denied his full measure 
of responsibility for the killing of them all. It is a mat- 
ter of little importance, for he commanded the party which 
did the killing, and if the killing was a crime he was 
guilty of the blood of each and every one of the slain. 

The charge has been persistently made that John Brown 
and his men w^antonly and fiendishly mutilated the dead 
bodies of the persons killed. This charge has been made 
by the bitter personal enemies of Brown. It will be re- 
membered that the men were killed with short heavy 
swords at night. The victims evidently tried to ward off 
the blows with their hands and arms, and as they were 
wholly unprotected the swords severed fingers, hands, and 
possibly arms. ISTo blow was struck after death came to 
the misguided men.^^ This is expressly stated by Towns- 



"WAR ON TIIK POTTAWATOMIE 



205 



ley. In some of tlie works prepared for the purpose of 
defaming the memory of John Brown the hist statement 
of Townsley is published at length, but that portion of it 
which says the bodies were not intentionally mutilated and 
were not struck after death, is omitted, as is also that por- 
tion saying that the killing was a benefit to the Free-State 
cause. After this omission is made concerning the mutila- 
tion, the works in question go on and insist that the bodies 
were mutilated after death. 

When John Brown turned from tlie settlement toward 
his camp on Sunday morning, five men lay prone and stark 
on the Pottawatomie. They had whetted a sword for 
the Free-State settlers. John Brown turned this red blade 
against those who had taken it in hand. It was a new 
departure in the warfare in Kansas — a startling revela- 
tion at which the Pro-Slavery forces stood aghast. Cham- 
pions of freedom could no longer be murdered with im- 
punity by ruffian hordes. Henceforth men were to defend 
their families and their homes; here was notice of it; 
let him who dared to do so violate or disregard it, — he did 
it at his peril. It was notice to the Pro-Slavery men who 
had roamed bloody-handed through the Free-State settle- 
ments that "he who takes up the sword must die by the 
sword." These five dead men lay there, a warning to the 
advocates of the issue made in the bogus Legislature, that 
a new factor had entered the oontest in opposition to their 
barbarous dogma. This new factor was on the side of 
those who stood for the other issue in Kansas Territory. 
It was an assertion that the Free-State men were entitled 
to life, liberty, freedom of conscience, the protection of the 
Constitution, and equality before the law — FREEDOM. 



206 



JOHN BEOWN 



Could these dead men have spoken on that Sun- 
day morning in May on the Pottawatomie, they would 
have plainly said to their misguided brethren and 
fellow-ruffians : " You invoked the sword ; the people 
of Kansas submitted long and patiently while we mer- 
cilessly wielded it. The bones of her people whiten 
on the prairies ; we have given their flesh as a prey 
to the fowls of the air, to the wolf and her whelps. The 
v.'ild winds chant their requiem. Widows and orphans 
wail in cabin homes. Outraged maidens implore death 
and entreat the grave to hide their shame. Their Chris- 
tian forbearance and their fortitude have been our marvel; 
we believed them weak and courageless. In the dawn of 
this Sabbath, with fixed and glassy eyes that see not we 
look up to the pure stars, and with tongues that are forever 
stilled and speak not we proclaim to you that we have 
stood for a lie. We have devoted our energies to the es- 
tablishment of a crime against humanity. We forfeited 
our lives in the interest of a barbarous cause — one that is 
reactionary and against all law, human and divine, and 
opposed to human nature itself. The winter storm, the 
gentle rain of spring, the summer sunshine, and the glo- 
rious colorings of autumn will pass over us, and battles 
rage around us, but we shall heed them not. But to us it 
is now given to say to you that liberty and freedom must 
reign in all this land, after having been baptized in blood 
and consecrated anew on the plains of Kansas." 



Note 1. — It is not meant to disparage Mr. Thayer's labor for 
Kansas. He rendered us good service in our days of trouble and 



WAR ON THE I'OTTAW ATOM 1 R 



207 



peril : and tlioso days wore days of peril for freedom in all America. 
Mr. Thayer did his duty, and did it well and to our satisfaction; we 
are grateful for it; as a people we have never failed to acknowledge 
our debt of gratitude, and we never shall. He possessed a genius for 
the work be performed, and perhaps did his work better than another 
could; he was the right man in the right place. He possessed or- 
ganizing power, and had the confidence of the people of Xew England 
who so freely and nobly jx)ured out their wealth in aid of Kansas 
and free institutions. What is to be condemned in I\Ir. Thayer's 
l>ook is the assumption in it that he did all the work that made 
Kansas free — his taking credit for everything successfully done here. 
What he did was, as we said, only his duty; he did that in a spirit 
of self-sacrifice that makes him immortal here and elsewhere. That 
should be the sum of his claims, but it is not. After a careful reading 
of Mr. Thayer's book one must come to the conclusion that after the 
war was over he was enabled to see what had been successful in 
Kansas and what had been unsuccessful; and then, with effrontery 
unparalleled, claimed all the successful efforts as his own, or as the 
outgrowth of his scheme^ and left all the failures to the rest of 
mankind. This is more in the spirit and pompous tone of the book 
than in specific claim, though there is much of that. Now, Kansas 
would have been made free had there been no Eli Thayer and no 
Emigrant Aid Company. It might have been in longer time, and in 
more suffering; although the organization of the Emigrant Aid 
Company enraged the South more than any other one thing, and many 
of the crimes committed against Kansas were inspired by hatred 
of it. Slavery would have been thrown off without the martyrdom 
of John Brown, and if John Brown had never been born. But Kansas 
was made free by the assistance of Eli Thayer, as well as by that of 
John Brown; and slavery was abolished by the assistance of John 
Brown as well as by that of Eli Thayer, though Thayer contributed 
much less towards the result than did Brown. The fate of universal 
freedom has never been in the keeping of any one man. Progress 
and advancement are inherent in mankind, and while many reaction- 
ary movements impede and hamper them, the work never stops for a 
moment. Carlyle has well said that nothing else than justice can 
survive in this world. 

Neither is it intended here to detract from any State in the work 
of making Kansas free. Senator Ingalls says that Kansas is the 



208 



JOHN BKOWlSr 



child of Massachusetts, and so she is — a little; she is much more 
the child of the Ohio Valley. This is so patent to all who make 
even a cursory investigation of the subject, that no argument is 
necessary to establish it. In the convention which formed the present 
State Constitution, in 1859, there were two members from Massa- 
chusetts, and only eleven from all New England. There were five 
members from Kentucky, six from Indiana, six from Pennsylvania, 
and fourteen from Ohio. Concerning the population of that period, 
I quote from D. W. Wilder's "The Story of Kansas," in the Kansas 
Historical Collections, Volume 6, page 336, and following: 

"By the United States census taken in June, 1860, Kansas had a 
population of 107,206. Of these persons 94,515 were born in the 
United States; 12,691 were born in foreign countries. The census 
reports give the States in which the 94,515 natives were born. 
During the last forty years Ohio has led in great generals — Grant, 
Sheridan, Sherman; in presidents, and in many other ways, — but she 
took her first great championship in coming to Kansas Territory. 
By that census Ohio stands No. 1, with 11,617 natives in Kansas 
in 1860. Missouri follows with 11,356. Then come the babies born 
in Kansas itself, 10,997. Gen. James H. Lane helped to put next 
Indiana, with 9,945. Lincoln next sends from Illinois, 9,367. His 
native State is No. 6: Kentucky, 6,556. Then comes Franklin's 
Pennsylvania, 6,463. Horace Greeley's Trihune makes New York 
6,331. No. 9 is our neighbor, Iowa, 4,008. Kansas is sometimes 
called, from the States of Indiana, Illinois, and Iowa, the State of the 
three I's. Most folks are satisfied with two. 

"I have named 76,640 out of the 94,515, leaving 17,875 for the 
other States, and someone is beginning to say, 'I thought this was a 
New England State,' and 'Where is the Emigrant Aid Company?' 
From the days of the agitation against slavery and its extension, 
in which New England took a prominent part — it was the home of 
Garrison, Phillips, Sumner, Parker, Emerson, Lowell, and Whittier — 
down to this day. New England has often been called the mother 
of Kansas. Exceedingly few persons ever examine a census report. 

"The last State above cited is Iowa, with 4,008 natives in Kansas 
when the Territory was six years old. The six New England States 
then had 4,208 natives in Kansas. State No. 10 is Virginia, with 
3,487 natives here. Virginia then included West Virginia. Most 
of these immigrants were probably in favor of making Kansas a 
free State. 

"There was then no railroad across Missouri. But nearly all of 
the States that contributed largely to Kansas in the early and 
later years were connected with us by river navigation. These 
States were Pennsylvania, Ohio, Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, 
Indiana, Illinois, Arkansas, Missouri, and Iowa. These States and 
their rivers made Kansas. These States with their poor men who 



WAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE S09 

wanted homes in a free State, with free schools, made Kansas free. 
I will add a few names to that census list. No. 11 is Tennessee, 
2,569; No. 12, Wisconsin, 1,351; No. 13, Massachusetts, 1,282; 
No. 14, North Carolina, 1,234; No. 15, Michigan, 1,137; No. 16, 
Vermont, 902; No. 17, Maine, 728; No. 18, Connecticut, 650; No. 19, 
Maryland, 620; No. 20, New Jersey, 499. 

"The story is told. You see that the new State, farther south 
than any other free State, was settled by the North. Missouri, her 
nearest neighbor, was settled by the South. Kansas broke all prec- 
edents; its people could not have been free without standing up 
to shoot and to be shot at. Slavery was a wild beast, and had to be 
killed. John Brown understood this fact more completely than any 
other Kansan." 

Kansas claims, and justly claims, to have drawn by her struggle 
for freedom, great men and minds from all the free States and 
from some of the slave States. These were quickened and ground 
to sharpness here, and the result is the most metropolitan and ag- 
gressive State in America. And the honor of having contributed to 
make her free is great — too great for any one man to have more 
than his just share; justice demands that he have that, and that 
he have no more. 



Note 2. — Mr. H. H. Williams claims to have carried this mes- 
sage. See John Brown and His Men, Richard J. Hinton, p. 691. 
Townsley says that he always understood that one of the sons of 
Mr. Grant carried this message. Mr. Sanborn says that it was Grant, 
but in a note mentions that others are said to have carried it. 



Note 3. — See Spring's "Kansas," p. 143. 



Note 4. — "The following day we camped at Palmyra. We had 
heard of the arrest of Governor Robinson, and our object was to 
rescue him if they brought him by the Santa F6 road to Lecomp- 
ton." — Statement of James Eanway, in "Life and Letters of John 
Brown," F. B. Sanborn, p. 258. 



Note 5. — It was known that the situation was desperate on the 
Pottawatomie, and that desperate measures would have to be 
adopted to save the settlers there. No one doubted that death 
would be meted out to some, but to how many, when, and how, was 
not known. That John Brown would do this killing with this 

—14 



210 JOHN BROAYISr 

company was also known, for he informed several people that that 
was his purpose, and invited them to go with him. But just what 
course would be pursued was not known until after the arrival of 
the party in the troubled district. 

Note 6. — "We aided him in his outfit, and I assisted in the 
sharpening of his cutlasses. James Townsley, who resided near 
Pottawatomie creek, volunteered to return with his team, and of- 
fered to point out the abodes of such as he thought should be dis- 
posed of. No man of our entire number could fail to understand 
that a retaliatory blow would fall; yet when father and his little 
band departed, they were saluted by all our men with a rousing 
cheer." — John Brown, jr., in "Life and Letters of John Brown" 
F. B. Sanborn, p. 26Jt. 

Note 7. — Colonel Blood says: 

"In the spring of 1856, I went east on business, leaving my 
family in Lawrence. I was in New Hampshire, when I learned that 
the border ruffians were gathering, under ruffianly Federal officers, 
to destroy Lawrence. I immediately started for home, arriving at 
Kansas City, I think on the 21st of May, 1856. I could find no way 
of <^etting to Lawrence, direct, but hired a close hack to take me, 
with two or three friends (one of them was J. F. Bliss, now residing 
at Oskaloosa), to Osawatomie. We instructed the driver to say to 
anyone who might halt us, that he was taking some men to Pleasant 
Hill, Missouri. We drove south through Westport, and the parties 
halting us appeared to be satisfied with the reply of the driver. 
We stayed that night at a farm-house in Missouri, a short distance 
south of Westport. The next day, the 22d, we took dinner with 
Baptiste Peoria, where Paola now stands, and arrived at Osawato- 
mie in the afternoon. ... It was nearly sundown that after- 
noon when, between Pottawatomie creek and Middle creek, and but 
a few mile's from the Doyle settlement, I saw a party of men com- 
ing from the west and going towards Pottawatomie creek. As we 
approached each other I could see the gleam of the sun's rays re- 
flected from the moving gun-barrels of the party in the wagon. 
When within perhaps 100 yards they stopped, and a man rose up 
in the wagon and cried 'Halt!' I immediately recognized old John 
Brown and stated who I was, calling him by name. I was then al- 
lowed to approach the party. There were in the wagon John Brown, 
and, to the best of my recollection, four of his sons, his son-m-law, 
and' a man driving the team whom I did not know, making seven 
in the wagon. There was also a man on horseback; I think his 
name was Wymer, or Winer. 

"The party appeared to be fully armed with rifles, revolvers, 



WAR O'S THE rOTTAWATOMIE 



211 



knives or swords. I think some of thom at leiist had a peculiar 
instrument, something like a Scotch claymore, or a short, very 
heavy broadsword. John lirown had presented me with one of the 
same kind, while at Lawrence, during the VVakarusa war, in the 
fall of 1855. 

"I talked with the old man for some time. I believe he was the 
only one of the party who spoke. He stated that they had left 
Captain John Brown, jr., with the Pottawatomie company, in camp 
near Palmyra. He informed me that Lawrence had been sacked 
and burned, and that a number of leading Free-State men had been 
taken prisoners. He seemed very indignant tliat there had been no 
resistance; that Lawrence was not defended; and denounced the 
members of the committee and leading Free-State men as cowards, 
or worse. His manner was wild and frenzied, and the whole party 
watched with excited eagerness every word and motion of the old 
man. Finally, as I left them, he requested me not to mention the 
fact that I had met them, as they were on a secret expedition, and 
did not want anyone to know that they were in that neighbor- 
hood. . . . 

"I sincerely believed that it was the work of insane men. Their 
halting at that distance a solitary traveler, who was apparently 
unarmed, and upon the open prairie where they could see for miles 
around, seemed to me evidence of insanity. Certainly that number 
of so icell-armed men could not fear an assault and capture, or that 
they were in any immediate danger. I noticed that while we were 
in conversation the boys watched every look and gesture of the old 
man — keeping their guns in their hands ready for instant action." 

Strange statements! No one else has left any statement of John 
Brown's becoming "frenzied." Colonel Washington told Governor 
Wise that Brown was the coolest man he ever saw under fire. He 
may have had good cause to denounce the committee, for it is 
recorded that the men who had gathered at Lawrence to defend 
the town left in disgust when the committee announced that no 
resistance was to be made. (See twentieth chapter of The Conquest 
of Kansas, by Phillips.) If there is any reliance at all to be placed 
in this letter, it convicts Townsley of lying. Blood says that Brown 
announced to him that they were on a secret expedition. Towns- 
ley says he did not know the nature of the expedition, whether it 
was secret or not, until Brown made it known to him in camp that 
night. The letter contains what was known at the time of writing 
to be a very erroneous statement. It says that Brown's son, John 
Brown, jr., became insane, when, on the afternoon of the 2.'(th, 
"news was received of the massacre," and that he "was taken home 
the next day a maniac." It says, "We heard of the massacre of the 



212 JOHN BROWISr 

Doyles, Wilkinson, and Sherman, on the Pottawatomie, on the night 
of the 23(1" The killing was in fact done on the night of the 24th, 
after John Brown, jr., was made insane from hearing of it! Upon 
such contradictory and unreliable, not to say flimsy and untrust- 
worthy, productions is the defamation of John Brown based. Colo- 
nel Blood may have met this party as he says, but his letter bears 
many evidences of having been written to incorporate and set out 
the theories of the people engaged at that time in a bitter attack 
upon Brown. 

Colonel Blood's statement concerning the action of the men in 
keeping their guns ready for instant action would indicate that he 
had frightened the party ! No other Kansan ever saw Brown scared. 
To Colonel Blood belongs the honor of being the only man who ever 
frightened John Brown! And Colonel Blood had slipped down 
through Missouri pretending to be on his way to Pleasant Hill, and 
was now making his way into Lawrence by the back door for fear 
of meeting Missourians, and John Brown had seven armed men 
with him. Truly, the brave Colonel must have presented the very 
personification of courage and daring on his fleet steed as he 
skimmed over the prairies north of the Pottawatomie! 



Note 8. — John Brown, jr., says in a preceding note that Towns- 
ley volunteered to return and point out the homes of such as he 
thought should be disposed of. But John Brown was familiar with 
the people of the settlement, and knew where they lived. One of his 
characteristics was the power to go anywhere at any time of night 
and not lose his way. It has always seemed to me improbable that 
John Brown took anyone to show him where his neighbors lived; 
he certainly knew this for himself. He had spent the winter there, 
and had built a cabin for his relative, Orson Day. In a new country 
people do not stand much on formalities; th«y come to know each 
other quickly and without formal introductions. It was certainly 
useless to carry a man along to perform this service; all our knowl- 
edge of Brown leads us to believe that he was quick to locate names 
and places. Mr. Coleman, in his address at Bismarck, says so. Not- 
withstanding the statement of Townsley to the contrary, it is plain 
that he was sought because he had a wagon and team, and that he 
went along because he believed he ought to go, for his family was 
there, and in fact he gives this latter as his reason in one of his 



WAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE 213 

statements : or because he was informed that there was to be fight- 
ing, and he desired to liave a hand in it. 



Note 9. — This letter is published in Reminiscences of Old John 
Broun, G. W. Brown, M. D., p. G7. 



Note 10. — Kansas Memorial, p. litG. 



Note 11. — James Townsley says in his last statement: "About 
noon the next day, the 23d. old John Brown came to me and said he 
had just received information that trouble was expected on the 
Pottawatomie, and wanted to know if I would take my team and 
take him and his boys back so they could keep watch of what was 
going on. I told him I would do so. . . . After my team was 
fed and the party had taken supper, John Brown told me for the 
first time what he proposed to do. He said he wanted me to pilot 
the company up to the forks of the creek, some five or six miles 
above, into the neighborhood where I lived, and show him where 
all the Pro-Slavery men resided; that he proposed to sweep the 
creek as he came down of all the Pro-Slavery men living on it. 
I positively refused to do it. He insisted upon it, but when he 
found that I would not go he decided to postpone the expedition 
until the following night. I then wanted to take my team and go 
home, but he would not let me do so, and said I should remain with 
them. We remained in camp that night and all the next day." — 
"Kansas: Its Interior and Exterior Life," Sara T. D. Robinson, edi- 
tion of 1S99, p. J/OS, Appendix. 



Note 12. — Governor Robinson's letter to the Topeka Common- 
wealth, and quoted by James Ilanway in a letter to the Kansas 
Daily Tribune. I have not been able to find either of these letters. 
I found a part of each in the Uanicay Scrap Books, in the library 
of the State Historical Society. 



Note 13. — "It was the expressed intention of Brown to execute 
Dutch Henry also, but he was not found at home. He also hoped 
to find George Wilson, Probate Judge of Anderson county, there, 
and intended, if he did, to kill him too. Wilson had been notifying 
Free-State men to leave the Territory. I had received such a notice 



214 JOHN BROWN 

from him myself." — "Reminiscences of Old John Brown," G. W. 
Brown, M. D., p. 75. 

This is a part of the statement of James Townsley, which is given 
there in full. This quotation, and also that portion stating that 
the bodies were not mutilated after death, as well as other state- 
ments favorable to Brown, are omitted from the "confession" of 
Townsley in some recent Lawrence, Kansas, publications. 



Note 14. — "We then crossed the Pottawatomie and came to the 
house of Henry Sherman, generally known as Dutch Henry. Here 
John Brown and the party, excepting Frederick Brown, Winer, and 
myself, who were left on the outside a short distance from the door, 
went into the house and brought out one or two persons, talked 
with them some time, and took them in again. They afterwards 
brought out William Sherman, Dutch Henry's brother, marched 
him down into the Pottawatomie creek, where he was slain with 
swords by Brown's two youngest sons, and left lying in the creek." — 
Tovmsley's Statement, in "Reminiscences of Old John Brown," 
G. W. Brown, M. D., p. 73. 

Note 15. — The ages are given here for the reason that Governor 
Robinson in his The Katisas Conflict, p. 276, uses the expression, 
"five men and boys." 

Note 16. — "We were all in bed, when we heard some persons come 
into the yard and rap at the door and call for Mr. Doyle, my hus- 
band. This was about 11 o'clock on Saturday night of the 24th of 
May last. My husband got up and went to the door. Those outside 
inquired for Mr. Wilkson, and where he lived. My husband told 
them that he would tell them. Mr. Doyle, my husband, opened the 
door, and several came into the house, and said they were from the 
army. My husband was a Pro-Slavery man. They told my hus- 
band that he and the boys must surrender, — they were their prison- 
ers. These men were armed with pistols and large knives. Tliey 
first took my husband out of the house, then they took two of my 
sons — the two oldest ones, William and Drury — out, and then took 
my husband and these two boys, William and Drury, away. My son 
John was spared, because I asked them in tears to spare him. In a 
short time afterwards I heard the report of pistols. I heard two 
reports, after which I heard moaning, as if a person was dying; 



WAR ON THE I'OTTAWATOMIK 



215 



then I heard a wild whoop." — From Affidavit of Mahala Doyle, in 
"Report of the Special Committee appointed to Investigate the 
Troubles in Kan,<ias," p. JJUS. 

"The old man Doyle and his sons were ordered to come out. This 
order they did not immediately obey, the old man being heard in- 
stead to call for his gun. At this moment Henry Thompson threw 
into the house some rolls or balls of hay in which during the day 
wet gunpowder had been mixed, setting fire to them as he threw them 
in. This stratcgem had the desired effect." — Toivnsley's first State- 
ment, in "History of the State of Kaiisas," A. T. Andreas, p. 604, 
under "Franklin County." 

Note 17. — In his last two statements To\\'nsley says that the 
killing was done with the swords, to avoid alarming the neighbors 
by discharging firearms. Then, why kill the first man with a pistol? 



Note 18. — "On the 2oth of May last, somewhere between the hours 
of midnight and daybreak, cannot say exactly at what hour, after all 
had retired to bed, we were disturbed by the barking of the dog. I 
was sick with the measles, and woke up Mr. Wilkinson, and asked if 
he 'heard the noise, and what it meant?' He said it was only some 
one passing about, and soon after was again asleep. It was not long 
before the dog raged and barked furiously, awakening me once more; 
pretty soon I heard footsteps as of men approaching; saw one pass 
by the window, and some one knocked at the door. I asked, 'Who 
is that?' No one answered. I awoke my husband, who asked, 
'Who is that?' Some one replied, 'I want you to tell me the way to 
Dutch Henry's.' He commenced to tell them, and they said to him, 
'Come out and show us.' He wanted to go, but I would not let him; 
he then told them it was difficult to find his clothes, and could tell 
them as well without going out of doors. The men out of doors, 
after that, stepped back, and I thought I could hear them whisper- 
ing; but they immediately returned, and, as they approached, one of 
them asked my husband, 'Are you a Northern armist?' He said, 
'I am.' I understood the answer to mean that my husband was 
opposed to the Northern or Free-Soil party. I cannot say that I 
understood the question. My husband was a Pro-Slavory man. and 
was a member of the Territorial Legislature held at Shawnee Mis- 
sion. 

"When my husband said, 'I am.' one of them said, 'You are our 



216 



JOHN BROWlSr 



prisoner. Do you surrender?' He said, 'Gentlemen, I do.' They 
said, 'Open the door.' Mr. Wilkinson told them to wait till he made 
a light; and they replied, 'If you don't, we will open it for you.' 
He opened the door against my wishes, and four men came in, and 
my husband was told to put on his clothes, and they asked him if 
there were not more men about; they searched for arms, and took 
a gun and powder-flask, all the weapons that was about the house." 
— Froyn the Affidavit of Louisa Jane Wilkinson, in "Rejiort of the 
Special Committee appointed to Investigate the Troubles in Kansas," 
pp. 1191, 1198. 

This affidavit further recites that Mrs. Wilkinson was sick, and 
requested that her husband be allowed to remain with her, and 
finding that her wish was not to be granted, she told him to get 
ready and go with them; she saw him no more alive. 

"The company then proceeded down Mosquito creek, to the house 
of Allen Wilkinson. Here the old man Brown, three of his sons, 
and son-in-law, as at the Doyle residence, went to the door and 
ordered Wilkinson to come out, leaving Frederick Brown, Winer and 
myself standing in the road east of the house. Wilkinson was taken 
and marched some distance south of his house and slain in the road, 
with a short sword, by one of the younger Browns. After he was 
killed his body was dragged out to one side and left." — Last State- 
ment of Townsley, in "Reminiscences of Old John Broivn," G. W. 
Brown, M. D., p. 73. 

Note 19. — See Note No. 14, of this chapter. 



Note 20. — "On last Sunday morning, about two o'clock, (the 25th 
of May last,) whilst my wife and child and myself were in bed in 
the house where we lived, we were aroused by a company of men 
who said they belonged to the Northern army, and who were each 
armed with a saber and two revolvers, two of whom I recognized, 
namely, a Mr. Brown, whose given name I do not remember, com- 
monly known by the appellation of 'old man Brown,' and his son, 
Owen Brown. They came in the house and approached the bedside 
where we were lying, and ordered us, together with three other men 
who were in the same house with me, to surrender; that the North- 
ern army was upon us, and it would be no use for us to resist. The 
names of those other three men who were then in my house with me 



WAR OX THE POTTAWATOMIE 



217 



are, William Sliornian, Julin S. Wiiiteman; tlio other man T did not 
know. Thoy were stopping with me that nif,'ht.. They had houf^ht 
a cow from Henry Sherman, and intended to go home the next morn- 
ing. When they came up to the bed, some had drawn sabers in their 
hands, and some revolvers. They then took into their possession 
two rifles and a bowie-knife, which I had there in the room — there 
was but one room in my house — and afterwards ransacked the whole 
establishment in search of ammunition. They then took one of these 
three men, who were st;^ying in mj' house, out. (This was the man 
whose name I did not know.) He came back. They then took me 
out. and asked me if there were any more men about the place. I 
told them there were not. They searched the place, but found none 
others but we four. They asked me where Henry Sherman was. 
Henry Sherman was a brother to William Sherman. I told them 
that he was out on the plains in .search of some cattle which he had 
lost. [ It will be observed that Harris says, "I told them that he 
was out on the plains," etc. Not even in this affidavit does he say 
that Henry Sherman was actually on the plains in search of cattle. 
Dutch Henry may have been on the plains, but it w'as not to look for 
cattle; he was preparing for a search for Free-State men when the 
ruffians should return from sacking Lawrence, and their allies from 
Missouri should arrive.] They then asked if I had ever taken any 
hand in aiding Pro-Slavery men in coming to the Territory of Kan- 
sas, or had ever taken any hand in the last troubles at Lawrence, 
and asked me whether I had ever done the Free-State party any 
harm or ever intended to do that party any harm; they asked what 
made me live at such a place. I then answered that I could get 
higher wages there than anywhere else. They asked me if there 
were any bridles or saddles about the premises. I told them there 
was one saddle, which they took, and they also took possession of 
Henry Sherman's horse, which I had at my place, and made me 
saddle him. They then said if I would answer no to all the questions 
which they had asked me, they would let me loose. Old Mr. Brown 
and his son then went into the house with me. The other three men, 
Mr. William Sherman, Mr. Whiteman, and the stranger were in the 
house all this time. After old man Brown and his son went into the 
house with me, old man Brown asked Mr. Sherman to go out with 
him. and Mr. Sherman then went out with old Mr. Brown, and 
another man came into the house in Brown's place. I heard notb- 



218 JOHN BEOWN 

ing more for about fifteen minutes. Two of the Northern army, as 
they styled themselves, stayed in with us until we heard a cap 
burst, and then these two men left. That morning about ten o'clock 
I found William Sherman dead in the creek near my house. I was 
looking for Mr. Sherman. As he had not come back, I thought he 
had been murdered. I took Mr. William Sherman out of the creek 
and examined him. Mr. Whiteman was with me. Sherman's skull 
was split open in two places, and some of his brains was washed out 
by the water. A large hole was cut in his breast, and his left hand 
was cut off except a little piece of skin on one side. We buried him. 
(Signed) James Harris." 

For this affidavit, see Report of the Special Committee appointed 
to Investigate the Troubles in Kansas, pp. 1195-96-97. 

This aflidavit disposes of the allegations of one Christian, that 
prisoners were taken. None were taken. It also refutes the state- 
ment of Mr. Townsley, that it was the purpose to kill Pro-Slavery 
men indiscriminately. No such purpose was ever entertained. Here 
were four Pro-Slavery men; only the one, having been convicted of 
outrages and intention of future outrages, was harmed. This fact 
tends to a confirmation of what Brown told Governor Crawford 
and Mr. Coleman, viz., that only such men as had been tried and 
found guilty were killed. 

Note 21. — This statement was made by Hon. Johnson Clark, of 
Miami county, Kansas, and published in the United States Bio- 
graphical Dictionary. It was published, also, in the Lawrence Home 
Journal, Nov. 20, 1879. It may be found in Reminiscences of Old 
John Brown, G. W. Brown, M. D., p. 59. 



Note 22. — This letter is published in Kansas: Its Interior and 
Exterior Life, Sara T. D. Robinson, p. 413, edition of 1899, Appendix. 



Note 23. — "I desire to say here, that it is not true that there was 
any intentional mutilation of the bodies after they were killed. 
They were slain as quickly as possible and left, and whatever gashes 
they received were inflicted in the process of cutting them down 
with swords. I understand that the killing was done with these 
swords so as to avoid alarming the neighborhood by the discharge 
of firearms." — Townsley's Statement, in "Reminiscences of Old John 
Brown," G. W. Brown, M. D., p. 73. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

WAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE— DETERMINATION. 



The web of our life is of a mingled yarn, good and ill together: 
our virtues would be proud, if our faults whipped them not; and our 
crimes would despair, if they were not cherished by our virtues. — 
Shakespeare's "All's Well that Ends Well." 

From the very day after the men were killed on the 
Pottawatomie there was never any doubt in the vicinity 
as to who had killed them. The members of the party never 
made a secret of the matter, nor of their participation in 
the killing. John Brown always declared that they were 
killed by his order, but said he had not killed any of them 
himself. It remains for us to inquire into the effects of 
this act upon — (1) the settlers of the Pottawatomie; (2) 
upon the Free-State cause in Kansas; (3) upon the cause 
of general abolition. 

The party left the vicinity of Dutch Henry's Crossing 
on the afternoon of Sunday, and arrived at the camp of 
the company under the command of John Brown, jr., near 
the house of Ottawa Jones, about midnight. The com- 
pany had come to this point on the return to their homes. 
John Brown, jr., had been to Lawrence in the meantime, 
taking with him a number of his company. Upon his ro- 
turn he had seized two slaves belonging to a Missourian 
living near Palmyra. These slaves he carried to the camp 
of his men, to be disposed of as they might decide. The 

Vn9) 



220 



JOHN BROWN 



company were in favor of returning them to their master, 
who had fled to Missouri. The slaves were given to a 
courier, who was ordered to overtake the master and deliver 
them to him ; this he did, and was rewarded for so doing, 
the master giving him a sidesaddle. This incident caused 
some opposition to John Brown, jr., and the opposition 
increasing, he resigned his command on Monday morning, 
May 26th. The company voted for a new commander; 
the candidates were H. H. Williams and James Townsley, 
Williams being elected. The company then broke camp 
and returned to their homes.^ 

G. W. Brown says that John Brown, jr., remained in- 
sane much of the following summer on account of the 
action of his father on the Pottawatomie.^ There are 
many of his letters in existence, some of them written at 
that time, and they do not reveal insanity. He was, soon 
after his return home, arrested upon an indictment charg- 
ing conspiracy to resist the bogus laws, and upon this 
charge was imprisoned at Lecompton. He was made in- 
sane by being driven before a body of armed Pro-Slavery 
men a whole day in June while bound with chains. 

On the 27th of May, Tuesday following the Saturday 
upon which the men were killed, a meeting of the settlers 
on the Pottawatomie condemned the killing. Their first 
resolution declared, " That we will from this time lay aside 
all sectional and political feelings and act together as men 
of reason and common-sense, determined to oppose all men 
who are so ultra in their views as to denounce men of 
opposite opinions." In their second resolution they ex- 
pressed their intention ''to stay at home during these ex- 
citing times and protect, and, if possible, restore the peace 



WAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE 221 

and harmony of the neighborhood." The last resolution 
said, "That we pledge ourselves, individually and collect- 
ively, to prevent a recurrence of a similar tragedy, and to 
ferret out and hand over to the criminal authorities the 
perpetrators for punishment." ^ 

This meeting seems to have been more in the nature of 
a precautionary measure than of a determined effort to 
apprehend John Brown and his men.* In fact, neither 
party regarded it as affording any guaranty of protection. 
For a short time there were armed incursions into the 
neighborhood from Missouri and other parts of the Terri- 
tory, The headquarters of these were at Paola, and they 
ranged the country in search of those against whom the 
courts had found indictments for resistance to the bogus 
laws — a continuation of the campaign so recently con- 
cluded against Lawrence.^ There is little doubt that the 
killing of Wilkinson and others directed the attention of 
the Pro-Slavery men to the Pottawatomie settlements, and 
that they overran them for a short time. But this did 
not continue long; the "law and order" settlers left in 
great numbers, and returned to Missouri and other slave 
States. In order to make the Pottawatomie killings the 
cause for all the woes which afterwards fell upon Kansas^ 
some writers of Kansas Territorial history assert that the 
sacking of Lawrence was a great victory for the Free-State 
party, and the end of the Territorial troubles; and that 
these troubles would not have again revived if the Potta- 
watomie affair had not occurred.^ I have searched dili- 
gently for some confirmation of this strange conclusion^ 
but can find none. I find no evidence that Buford was 
withdrawn from the Territory, and none that it was con- 



222 JOHN BEOWN 

templated tliat he should withdraw. ISTone of his camps 
were abandoned, but all of them w^ere strengthened. Some 
of the Missouri ans returned home, but remained only long 
enough to replenish their supply of whisky and dispose of 
the plunder carried from their defeat ( ?) at Lawrence! I 
have failed to find any order for the release of Governor 
Robinson and other Free-State treason prisoners ! On the 
contrary, I find that the work of increasing their number 
went persistently on. Officers scoured the Territory, not 
to apprehend the men who had killed the ruffians on the 
Pottawatomie, but to capture men for whom they had 
warrants for resistance to the bogus laws.*^ The campaign 
for which such elaborate prejjarations had been made in 
the previous winter, and which had threatened to break 
over the border since March, continued, and continued all 
summer, and would have continued all summer if the men 
on the Pottawatomie had never been killed. There is some 
evidence that the Pro-Slavery forces used the incident in 
Missouri to inflame the people and get them to rally to the 
work determined upon, but this seems not to have been 
very successful. War extras of newspapers were thrown 
into steamboats, but the people of Missouri needed nothing 
of this kind to whet them for the campaign; they had 
made preparation for it for months, and they intended to 
prosecute it until the bogus laws were triumphant or the 
last Free-State man was driven from the Territory or 
exterminated. And they were too well acquainted with 
the characters killed to shed any false and sentimental 
tears over their fate. They regarded the matter in its true 
light, and as an incident of the war, and would have re- 
spected the Free-State men more and have departed to 



WAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE 223 

their homes much sooner if this resistance had manifested 
itself earlier and over lar£>er areas. They were waging 
war," and expected that others would wage war against 
them. 

Let us examine the record to some extent for the results 
of the Pottawatomie killings. We will first introduce Mr. 
Townsley, who continued to live in that locality for more 
than thirty years. Mr. Clark, in writing down Townsley's 
first statement or "confession," says: "On May 24, 1855, 
William Sherman called at the house of John T. Grant, 
a Free-State man from ISTew York, and there, in anger and 
in liquor, told the Grant family that they (the Pro-Slaverv 
men) intended to drive out the Free-State men from 
Pottawatomie creek and other parts of Kansas. This 
alarmed Grant, and he sent his son George to the camp of 
John Brown, who was at that time on Ottawa creek, some 
twenty-five miles northwest. Upon arriving in camp^ 
young Grant told John Brown the condition of things in 
his neighborhood, and the trouble anticipated if help was 
not had immediately. And here it is proper to state that 
news had come from Kansas City that Buford had or- 
ganized and armed a large force of Georgia immigrants, 
and was about to march upon Kansas. The news had also 
arrived that Lawrence was in ashes, and that our Free- 
State Governor, Robinson, was a prisoner in the hands of 
Pro-Slavery 'border ruffians,' at Leavenworth. In hrief, 
it was a time of terror so appalling that it was felt thai 
the destiny of Kansas was trembling in the balance, and 
its fate about to be decided/' ^ This is the testimony of 
Mr, Clark, put as a preface to the statement of Townsley. 

In Townsley's second extensive statement he says : " I 



224 



JOHN BROWN 



did not then approve of the killine; of those men. . . . 
In after-years mj opinion changed as to the wisdom of 
the massacre. I became, ayid am, satisfied that it resulted 
in good to the Free-State cause, and ivas especially hene- 
ficicd to the Free-State settlers on Pottawatomie creek. 
The Pro-Slavery men tvere dreadfully terrified, and large 
numbers of them soon left the Territory. It was after- 
wards said that one Free-State man could scare a company 
of them." In his last statement he uses exactly the same 
language.^ 

Colonel Samuel F. Tappan says : 

" In the summer of 1856 I was at Leavenworth as 
clerk of the Congi-essional Committee investigating Free- 
State affairs, A reign of terror prevailed. Free-State 
men, women and children were forcibly driven from their 
homes, put upon steamers, and sent down the river. Free- 
State men were arrested by a mob of Buford men, and 
imprisoned in the basement of a warehouse. Miles Moore, 
M, J. Parrott, Charles Robinson, Judge Wakefield, and 
others, were also held as prisoners in the city. This con- 
tinued until one afternoon the Herald (General Eastin, 
editor) published an extra about six inches long — giving 
an account of the horrible murder by John Brown, of 
Wilkinson and six [four] others, on Pottawatomie creek, 
southeastern Kansas. This put a stop to further demands 
upon Free-State men, and they were all soon after released. 
The Buford men remained quiet, no longer appearing 
in the street under arms. In a few days I took passage 
in [a] mail-coach for Lawrence, with S. C. Smith. Mr. 
Weibling, who had been a prisoner, drove the team. Judge 
Wakefield, having been released, was also on the coach, 
and we drove to Lawrence without further trouble." ^® 

We give the statement of John B. Manes : " I came to 
Kansas in 1854. I worked for the Shermans in the sum- 



WAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE 225 

mer of 1855. Have often heard them say that the d — d 
Yankees on the Pottawatomie ought to have and would 
have their d — d throats cut. 

" While Weiner was absent at the defense of Lawrence, 
Mr. Benjamin, who was Weiner's partner in a store on 
Mosquito Branch, was warned to leave in five days, or have 
his store, himself and his family burned. The old man 
Doyle and William Sherman were the men who warned 
him to leave. The Grant family was warned to leave in 
the same limit of time, and on pain of murder and destruc- 
tion of property if they refused to heed the warning. At 
the time of the warning William Sherman flourished a 
bowie-knife, and threatened to cut the d — d Yankee heart 
out of Mary Grant, the daughter of the Grant referred to 
in Townsley's testimony. Other Free-State people were 
warned to leave on penalty of death if they remained, and 
the time was about up, these men being killed before the 
expiration of the 'five days.' 

" I was but a boy of 13 or 14 at this time, but know what 
there occurred as well as anyone could know who didn't 
see all that was done and hear all that was said, as indeed 
no one person could. Being a boy, I was often sent on 
errands when it was thought older people could not go 
without being murdered by 'border ruffians' ; and at this 
time of dread, when even my nearest kindred dared not 
move abroad without danger of being assaulted or killed, 
I would not be likely to forget what was generally believed 
to be the danger surrounding those who were in favor of 
a free State. 

" I know that my father was knocked down for having 
a New York Trihitne in his pocket. I know that my 
father's house and brother-in-law's store were burned to 
ashes. I know there was a reign of terror, of which those 
men who were killed were the authors ; and I am sur- 
prised that anyone should believe that the killing of those 
men was without excuse. Were the Free-State men to 
—15 



226 JOHN BEOWN 

abandon Kansas? Were they to fold their arms in mar- 
tyrdom at tlie end of five days ? Or were they to slay their 
would-be murderers before the fifth day arrived ? Which 
of these?" 11 

It has often been said that these settlers who stood in 
the shadow of death on the Pottawatomie should have ap- 
pealed to courts. This was the cry of the impracticables 
and non-resistants in John Brown's day, and was later 
heard in New England, chiefly through the efforts of Eli 
Thayer, and in the Administrative circles of the Govern- 
ment, and wherever the enemies of Kansas as a free State 
did then congregate. This was so manifestly absurd and 
ridiculous that Emerson gave it his attention : " In this 
country for the last few years the Government has been 
the chief obstruction to the common weal. Who doubts 
that Kansas would have been very well settled if the 
United States had let it alone ? The Government armed 
and led the ruffians against the poor farmers. . . . 
In the free States we give a sniveling support to slavery. 
The judges give cowardly interpretations to the law, in 
direct opposition to the known foundation of all law, — that 
every immoral statute is void. And here, of Kansas, tlic 
President says, 'Let the complainants go to the courts' ; 
though he knows that when the poor plundered farmer 
comes to the court, he finds the ringleader who has rolhed 
him dismounting from his own horse, and unhuchling his 
hnife to sit as his judge." ^^ 

Charles Robinson was the Free-State Governor of Kan- 
sas at the time these men were killed by John Brown on 
the Pottawatomie. Having the interests of the Eree-State 
men of Kansas in his charge, and it being his business to 
know the conditions everywhere prevailing, he bestowed 



WAB OJSr THE POTTAWATOMIE 227 

upon John Brown the highest praise and most flattering 
panegyrics. In 1878 he said: "I never had much doubt 
that Captain Brown was the author of the blow at Potta- 
watomie, for the reason that he was the only man who 
comprehe7ided the situation and saw the ahsolute necessity 
of some such hlow, and had tlie nerve to strike it." ^^ 

Sanborn quotes Colonel Samuel Walker : 

"Colonel Walker, of Lawrence, in quoting to me 
Brown's saying in August, 1882, — 'the Pottawatomie exe- 
cution was a just act, and did good,' — added : 'I must 
say he told the truth. It did a great deal of good by terri- 
fying the Missourians. I heard Governor Robinson say 
this himself in his speech at Osawatomie in 1877 ; he said 
he rejoiced in it then, though it put his own life in dan- 
ger, — for he [Robinson] was a prisoner at Lecompton 
[Leavenworth] when Brown killed the men at Pottawato- 
mie." " 

We again quote from Sanborn : 

"At a public meeting held in Lawrence, Dec. 19, 1859, 
(according to the newspaper reports at the time,) the citi- 
zens passed resolutions concerning the Pottawatomie execu- 
tions, declaring ''that according to the ordinary rules of 
war said transaction was not unjustifiable, but that it was 
performed from the sad necessity which existed at that 
time to defend the lives and liberties of the settlers in that 
region.' This resolution was supported by Charles Rob- 
inson, who said that he had always believed that John 
Brown was connected with that movement. Indeed, he 
believed Brown had told him so, or to that effect; and 
when he first heard of the massacre, he thought it was 
about right. A war of extermination was in prospect, and 
it was as well for Free-State men to kill Pro-Slavery men, 
as for Pro-Slaverv men to kill Free-State men." ^^ 



228 JOHN BROWN 

In 1877 the people of the Pottawatomie settlements, 
being proud of the part their ancestors took in the battle 
which made Kansas free, and desiring to commemorate 
their heroic deeds, joined with the survivors of those bat- 
tles in the erection of a monument to those who fell in 
the great cause. This monument was built at Osawatomie, 
where it now stands, and was dedicated August 30, 1877.^^ 
It was fitting that the old Free-State Governor, the Hon. 
Charles Robinson, under whose direction the struggle was 
carried on, should preside over the ceremonies of dedica- 
tion, and he did. He delivered two addresses upon the 
occasion, one at the monument and one to an audience of 
citizens who came to pay him honor at the residence where 
he was a guest, in Paola, the county seat of the county 
in which the monument was erected. He said : 

" This is an occasion of no ordinary merit, being for 
no less an object than to honor and keep fresh the memory 
of those who freely offered their lives for their fellow-men. 
We are told that 'scarcely for a righteous man will one 
die, yet peradventure for a good man some would dare to 
die' ; but the men whose death we commemorate this day, 
cheerfully offered themselves a sacrifice for strangers and 
a despised race. They were men of convictions, though 
death stared them in the face. They were cordial haters 
of oppression, and would fight injustice wherever found; 
if framed into law, then they would fight the law ; if up- 
held and enforced by government, then government must 
be resisted. They were of Revolutionary stock, and held 
that when a long train of abuses had put the people under 
absolute despotism, it was right and duty to throw off such 
government and provide guards for future security. The 
soul of John Brown was the inspiration of the Union 
armies in the emancipation war, and will be the inspiration 
of all men in the present and distant future who may re- 



WAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE 



229 



volt against tyranny and oppression ; because he dared to 
be a traitor to the government that he might be loyal to 
humanity. To the superficial observer, John Brown was 
a failure. So Avas Jesus of I^azareth. Both suffered 
ignominious death as traitors to the government, yet one 
is now hailed as the savior of the world from sin, and 
the other of a race from bondage." ^"^ 

August Bondi was a resident of the " Dutch settlement" 
on the Pottawatomie at the time. This settlement had in- 
curred the enmity of the Shermans, Wilkinson, and the 
Doyles, because it was composed of men who desired that 
Kansas should be a free State. In this settlement was 
the store of Weiner and Benjamin, which the ruffians 
burned. Mr. Bondi says : "At 9 o'clock that evening 
(2 2d) a messenger from Pottawatomie creek arrived and 
reported that the Pro-Slavery men there (Wilkinson, 
Doyle and sons, William and Dutch Henry Sherman) 
had gone from house to house of Free-State men and 
threatened that shortly the Missourians would be there 
and make a clean sweep of them, and at many places 
where the men were absent grossly insulted their wives 
and daughters." ^^ 

General Jo. O. Shelby, of Missouri, was a great ad- 
mirer of John Brown, and often referred to his brave acts 
in the border wars in Kansas and to his heroic death in 
Virginia. He delighted to tell " how Captain Pate cap- 
tured John Brown at Black Jack," and this he could tell 
in an inimitable manner that would "set the table in a 
roar," General Shelby was one of the bravest and most 
chivalrous of soldiers, and could appreciate bravery in 
another, even though an enemy. He said of John Brown : 



230 JOHN BEOWN 

" I knew him well. I freighted with him in Kansas, 
and I fought him in Kansas. I knew him thoronghly, 
and I tell you a braver or more gallant man never 
breathed. It is all a mistake to say John Brown was a 
coward." 

" Do you think he murdered people as charged ? " 
" Why, of course he did, but it was simply a measure 
of retaliation. He didn't have any the best of us. We 
killed and Jolm Brown killed ; there was no difference on 
that score." ^^ 

Hon. James F. Legate was one of the first settlers in 
Kansas. He had settled in Douglas county before Law- 
rence was founded. Xo man in Kansas ever knew the 
conditions existing here in the Territorial days better 
than Mr. Legate knows them. He wrote the following 
in December, 1879: 

"Out of the history being written by George W. Brown, ; ( 

a trial is made to make of John Brown a murderer rather 
than a martyr. 

" Hatred must have its full share in the promptings 
of such a history. We believe old John Brown planned 
the killing of Wilkinson, Sherman and the Doyles, and 
perhaps was one of the actors in the drama. But if that 
be true, he was not a murderer, for it was the sacrificing 
of human life for the advancement of a great cause. 

" Wilkinson was especially a bad man, and the leader 
of the Doyles and others in raids against the Free-State 
men. The Georgia company had built a fort just below 
or south of there, and murder and robbery and arson was 
their daily avocation. Willcinson, Sherman and the 
Doyles were parties to all their crimes. These men were 
scouts and spies of the Georgians. The Georgians were 
planning to murder the whole Free-State settlement in the 
neighborhood of Osawatomie, and would have executed 
their plans but for this interposition. Brown knew it, 



WAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE 



231 



and the Free-State men throughout the Territory knew it. 
But it was hard to explain to the Eastern, moral people 
why it was necessary to take such steps, and it never was 
explained, denounced or justified. 

" But the result of that deed was peace in the Territory. 
Before this time, the Pro-Slavery settlers were active par- 
ticipants in the Pro-Slavery raids in the Territory ; they 
justified the deeds of the Pro-Slavery rufiians, but after 
that, even the Pro- Slavery men were active in their oppo- 
sition to the atrocities of the border rufiians, and did their 
full share in stopping them. It made those Southerners^ 
who were committing all manner of depredations, feel 
that their lives were not secure and that they must measure 
their conduct by the exigencies of the times, and they were 
less offensive. It emboldened the Free-State men to assert 
their rights, and in asserting their rights they won a 
victory for freedom. 

"John Brown planned the taking of the lives of these 
men in the interest of peace and freedom, and if he exe- 
cuted the plan himself he was a hero, not a murderer" ^° 

In relation to the part played by the Blue Lodges of 
Missouri in the preparation of the campaign to be waged 
against Kansas in the spring of 1856, we quote S. N. 
Wood, one of the first settlers in Douglas county. He was 
a member of an anti-slavery organization there early in 
June. He was a prominent actor in the stirring times of 
Territorial days, and the object of much hatred by Missou- 
rians. He says : 

" The Blue Lodges of Missouri and Kansas were secret 
organizations, whose members swore, on peril of their lives, 
to make a slave State of Kansas. In the fall of 1855 they 
became very active and strong; and one of the members, 
whose conscience revolted against murder even in the in- 
terest of slaver}^, revealed the fact that a new policy had 



232 



JOHX BEOWIT 



been agreed upon: Free-State men were to be killed pri- 
vately — struck down, one to-day in one place, one to- 
morrow in another, until no Free-State man would feel 
safe. This put every man on his guard." ^^ 

Judge James Hanway was a resident in the settlement 
on the Pottawatomie. He was a member of the company 
called the " Pottawatomie Rifles," of which John Brown, 
jr., was captain. He was a man of good mind, and did 
much for the intellectual development of Kansas. He was 
a just man and a good citizen. He was a member of the 
convention which formed the present State Constitution. 
His ability and integrity were everywhere recognized, and 
his attainments were great. He was one of the men in- 
vited to go with the party under John Brown to the Potta- 
watomie. He refused, and tried to induce the company to 
wait until all could return together.^^ He knew that the 
company left the camp with the avowed purpose of killing 
some of the ruffians on the Pottawatomie, should conditions 
there be found as represented. He often declared that 
James Harris told him that when John Brown and his men 
came into his house in search of the ruffians, his wife sup- 
posed they were the men from Missouri come to expel or 
murder the Free-State settlers. It is also said that she 
arose and commenced to prepare something for them to eat^ 
under the impression that they were the expected Missouri 
ruffians. Judge Hanway always said that the account 
that Harris gave of the affair to his neighbors was very 
different from that contained in his affidavit. ^^ Judge 
Hanway says, further: 

" I was informed by one of the party of eight who left 
our camp on Ottawa creek. May 22, 1856, to visit the 



WAE ON THE POTTAWATOMIE 233 

Pottawatomie, what their object and purposes were. 1 
protested, and begged them to desist. Of course mj plea 
availed nothing. After the dreadful affair had taken 
place, and after a full investigation of the whole matter, 
I, like many others, modified my opinion. Good men and 
kind-hearted women in 1856 differed in regard to this 
affair, in which John Brown and his party were the lead- 
ing actors. John Brown justified it, and thought it a 
necessity ; others differed from him then, as they do now. 
I have had an excellent opportunity to investigate the 
matter, and, like others of the early settlers, was finally 
forced to the conclusion that the Pottawatomie 'massacre,' 
as it is called, prevented the ruffian hordes from carrying 
out their programme of expelling the Free-State men from 
this portion of the Territory of Kansas. It was this view 
of the case which reconciled the minds of the settlers on 
the Pottawatomie. They would whisper to one another : 
'It was fortunate for us ; for God only knows what our 
fate and condition would have been, if old John Brown 
had not driven terror and consternation into the ranks 
of the Pro-Slavery party.' " ^* 

In a communication to Judge Adams, Secretary of the 
State Historical Society, February 1, 1878, Judge Han- 
way says : 

" So far as public opinion in the neighborhood where 
the affair took place is concerned, I believe I may state 
that the first news of the event produced such a shock that 
public opinion was considerable divided ; but after the 
whole circumstances became better known, there was a 
reaction of public opinion ; and the Free-State settlers 
who had claims on the creek considered that Capt. Brown 
and his party of eight had performed a justifiable act^ 
which saved their homes and dwellings from threatened 
raids of the Pro-Slavery party." ^^ 



234 JOHN BROWiq" 

We have seen that Mrs. Harris was aware that ruffians 
from Missonri were expected to arrive to aid the Pro- 
Slavery settlers in their work of expelling the Free-State 
families on the Pottawatomie. There is no donbt that 
Mrs. Wilkinson had been apprised also that snch was the 
plan being matured for the ejection of the Free-State 
neighbors around her. Sanborn says: 

" Mrs. Wilkinson, an unfortunate woman who had tried 
in vain to keep her husband from engaging in the outrages 
against their Free-State neighbors, was visited early in the 
morning after the executions, by Dr. Gillpatrick and ]\Ir. 
Grant, two Free-State men, who went to her house (which 
was the postoffice) to get their mail. They found the poor 
woman weeping, and saying that a party of men had been 
to the house during the night and taken her husband out; 
she had heard that morning that Mr. Doyle had been 
killed within the night, and she was afraid that her hus- 
band had been killed also. Among other reasons she gave 
for fearing this, he had said to her the night before that 
there was going to be an attack made upon the Free-State 
men, and that by the next Saturday night there would not 
be a Free-State settler left on the creek. These, she said, 
were his last words to her the night before as they were 
going to sleep." ^^ 

Professor Spring was particularly unjust to Brown in 
his history of Kansas. But later, he made a modification 
of his views, and says : 

"The Dutch Henry's Crossing of 1882 is a paradise of 
rural peace and happiness. Here quiet and security seem 
to have reached their utmost limit. The PottaM'atomie — 
half limpid, with slighter mixtures of discoloring mud than 
any Kansas stream that I have seen — winds languidly 
between beautifullv shaded banks towards the Marais des 



WAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE 235 

Cjgnes. The vast fields of corn and wlieaJ", with their 

picturesque borders of orange hedge, lie mapped upon the 

rolling prairie in every direction, — 

" 'As quietly as spots of sky 
Among the evening clouds.' 

"The Dutch Henry's Crossing of 1856 stands in an- 
tithesis to all this Arcadian repose. Then there was no 
law but force, no rule but violence, in the Territory of 
Kansas. A veritable reign of terror was inaugurated. 
Marauders were prowling about, in whose eyes nothing- 
was sacred that stood in the way of their passions. The 
opposing factions into whose hands the question of slavery 
or no slavery for Kansas had fallen, hunted each other like 
wolves. Pistol-shots and sword-slits were the prevailing 
style of argument." ^^ 

We shall see later that he finally gained a correct esti- 
mate of the results of the descent of John Brown upon the 
rufiiaus of the Pottawatomie. 

The outrages on the Grant family have been spoken of, 
but a more specific statement will be given : 

"My father, John T. Grant, came from Oneida county^ 
T^T. Y., and settled on Pottawatomie creek, in 1854. We 
were near neighbors of the Shermans, of the Doyles, and of 
Wilkinson, who were afterwards killed. There was a com- 
pany of Georgia Border Kuffians encamped on the ]\[arais 
des Cygnes, about four miles away from us, who had been 
committing outrages upon the Free-State people ; and these 
Pro-Slavery men were in constant communication with 
them. They had a courier who went back^vard and for- 
ward carrying messages. When we heard on the Pottawa- 
tomie that the Border Ruffians were threatening Lawrence, 
and the Pree-State wanted help, we immediately began to 
prepare to go their assistance. Frederick Brown, son of 
John Brown, went to a store at Dutch Henry's Crossing^ 
kept by a Mr. Morse, from Michigan, known as old Squire 



236 



JOHN BKOWN 



Morse, a quiet, inoffensive old Free-State man, living there 
with his two bojs, and bought some bars of lead, — saj 
twenty or thirty pounds. He brought the lead to my 
father's house on Sunday morning, and my brother Henry 
C. Grant and my sister Mary spent the whole day in 
running Sharps' and other rifle bullets for the company. 
As Frederick Brown was bringing this lead to our house, 
he passed Henry Sherman's house, and several Pro- 
Slavery men, among them Doyle and his two sons, William 
Sherman, and others, were sitting on a fence, and inquired 
what he was going to do with it. He told them he was go- 
ing to run it into bullets for Free-State guns. They 
were aj^parently much incensed at his reply, as they knew 
that the Free-State company was then preparing to go to 
Lawrence. The next morning, after the company had 
started to go to Lawrence, a number of Pro-Slavery 
men — Wilkinson, Doyle, and his two sons, and Will- 
iam Sherman, known as ' Dutch Bill' — took a rope 
and went to old Squire Morse's house, and said they 
were going to hang him for selling the lead to the 
Free-State men. They frightened the old man ter- 
ribly; but told him he must leave the country be- 
fore eleven o'clock, or they would hang him. They then 
left and went to the Shermans' and went to drinking. 
About eleven o'clock a portion of them, half drunk, went 
back to Mr. Morse's, and were going to kill him with an 
axe. His little boys — one was only nine years old — set 
up a violent crying, and begged for their father's life. 
They finally gave him until sundown to leave. He left 
everything, and came at once to our house. He was nearly 
frightened to death. He came to our house carrying a 
blanket and leading his little boy by the hand. When 
night came he was so afraid that he would not stay in the 
house, but went outdoors and slept on the prairie in the 
grass. For a few days he lay about in the brush, most of 
the time getting his meals at our house. He was then taken 
violently ill and died in a very short time. Dr. Gillpat- 



WAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE 



237 



rick attended him during bis brief illness, and said his 
death was directly caused by the fright and excitement 
of that terrible day when he was driven from his store. 
The only thing they had against Mr. Morse was his selling 
the lead, and this he had previously bought of Henry 
Sherman, who had brought it from Kansas City. While 
the Free-State company was gone to Lawrence, Henry 
Sherman came to my father's house and said : 'We have 
ordered old Morse out of the country, and he has got to 
go, and a good many others of the Free-State families have 
got to go.' The general feeling among the Free-State 
people was one of terror while the company was gone, as 
we did not know at what moment the Georgia ruffians 
might come in and drive us all out." ^* 

As tending to show that Brown was justifiable, I give 
additional instances — among them some further quotations 
from the writings of Judge Hanway and Governor Robin- 
son: 

" It was thought that the effect of the Pottawatomie 
affair would be disastrous to the settlers who had taken up 
their quarters in this locality. For a few weeks it looked 
ominous. I spent most of my time in the brush. The set- 
tlement was overrun by the 'law and order men,' who took 
every man prisoner whom they came across, 'jay-hawked' 
horses and saddles, and even, in several cases, work-cattle; 
but after these raids ceased, the Pro-Slavery element be- 
came willing to bury the hatchet and live in peace. The 
most ultra of those who had been leaders left the Terri- 
tory, only to return at periods to burn the house of some 
obnoxious Free-State man. The Pottawatomie affair sent 
a terror into the Pro-Slavery ranks, and those who re- 
mained on the creek were as desirous of peace as any 
class of the community." ^^ 

As a note to the foregoing, Mr. Sanborn has the follow- 
ing: 



238 JOHN BEOw:^ 

"As to the wisdom of John Brown's general policy of 
brave resistance and stern retaliation, the sagacious Judge 
Hanway says : 'In the early Kansas troubles I considered 
the extreme measures which he adopted as not the best 
under the circumstances. We were weak, and cut off, as 
it were, from our friends. Our most bitter enemies re- 
ceived their support from an adjoining State. We were 
not in a condition to resist by force the power of the Bor- 
der Ruffians, backed and supported as they were by the 
Administration at Washington. Events afterwards proved 
that the most desperate remedies, as in the Pottawatomie 
affair, were best. In place of being the forerunner of 
additional strife and turmoil, the result proved it was a 
peace measure.' Charles Robinson, in an article written 
for the 'Kansas Magazine' many years ago, said of the 
executions by Brown: 'They had the effect of a clap of 
thunder from a clear sky. The slave men stood aghast. 
The officials were frightened at this new move on the part 
cf the supposed subdued free men. This was a warfare 
they were not prepared to wage, as of the hotia fide settlers 
there M-ere four free men to one slave man.' " 

The Pottawatomie executions were the work of John 
Brown. Xo meeting of outraged citizens to condemn mur- 
derers to death would have been held on the Pottawatomie 
had not John Brown left the camp of the Free-State com- 
pany on Middle Ottawa creek and returned to the settle- 
ments at Dutch Henry's Crossing. Whether he killed any 
with his own hand is of no consequence so far as respon- 
sibility is concerned. Each one of the eight, whatever his 
part in the actual work, stood ui^on precisely the same 
ground. John Brown never denied liis participation in 
this foray, and he always avowed his responsibility for 
it. The utmost of his denial was that he had not killed 
anyone with his own hand. "Captain Brown, did you 



WAR 01^ THE rOTTAWATOMIE 239 

kill those five men on the Pottawatomie, or did you not ?" 
asked Mrs. Coleman. "I did not; but I do not pretend 
to say they were not killed by my order ; and in doing so 
I believe I was doing God's service," he replied without 
hesitation. So he always said. This avowal was in the 
summer of 1856, and but a short time after the killing. 
This was always known in Kansas to be the position of 
John Brown; that he killed those men with his company 
there was never the slightest doubt. The denials attributed 
to him are the work of Mr. Redpath, principally, and 
always did Brown an injustice; they were made without 
his knowledge or consent. 

Had not John Brown killed the ruffians on the Pot- 
tawatomie, the campaign against the Free-State men for 
the enforcement of the bogus laws would have been suc- 
cessful. The Free-State men held for treason would have 
been killed or sentenced to long terms of imprisonment 
in Federal prisons. Liberty would have been trampled 
down by ruthless barbarians and washed into the earth 
by the blood of martyrs for her cause. Slavery, with legal 
mien and hypocritical face, "but ending foul, in many a 
scaly fold," would have encircled Kansas in fatal coils. 
If freedom's cause had failed in Kansas, the conflict 
would have been delayed and a future generation would 
have been compelled to battle with greater difficulties. 
Who sees no more in this raid on the Pottawatomie than 
the mere protection of a few families, (though as a matter 
of justification, that was for it a sufficient cause,) has read 
the history of his country in vain. While it was indeed 
that, it was primarily much more than that : it was a blow 
against slavery in America. It was the opportunity long 



240 JOHN BEOWN 

sought by John Brown. For this purpose he came to Kan- 
sas. Compromise with crime was, in his eves, a crime. If 
slavery was a curse, it was the duty of men everywhere 
to attack it. Many of the leaders of Kansas were in favor 
of dissimulation. Their opposition must be carried for- 
ward while they rendered a passive submission to the pow- 
ers they were battling against. xVttacks must be covertly 
made, so that if need be they could be efFoctively disa- 
vowed. This double-dealing was scorned by John Brown. 
He saw evil standing as a menace to humanity. His duty 
was clear to him ; his resolution was, Let others do as they 
may; in God's name I will battle against it as best I can; 
I should be joined by all men, but if I must fight alone^ 
then be it so. The old truism, that a man should be true 
to duty though he stand alone, was exemplified by John 
Brown on the Pottawatomie. He came from that field 
confirmed in his own belief that he was chosen of God to 
battle against the foul institution that threatened his 
country and oppressed humanity. His fame spread 
abroad, and for a season the campaign against freedom 
in Kansas was diverted from its purpose and turned 
against John Brown ; and at this he rejoiced. 

The following is a quotation from Professor Spring: 

" It may be that this modern Mr. Valiant for Truth 
was a fanatic. I am not disturbed by that word. Every 
great cause has so fascinated some men — so taken posses- 
sion of their souls, subduing, inspiring, harnessing them to 
its service, so bounding their visions by its horizon — that 
they have been indifferent to other questions and inter- 
ests. The passion of liberty enslaved John Brown. In his 
judgment, violence alone could save the day ; violence was 
the charmed weapon for the impending contest; and the 



WAE ON THE POTTAWATOMIE 



241 



bloody mstrument which he seized did not break in his 
hand. I recall a sentence in Oliver Cromwell's dispatch 
announcing the storming and massacre of Drogheda, whicli 
is at once a declaration of Brown's motive and prophecy 
of his hope when he lifted his hand against the cabins on 
the Pottawatomie: 'Truly, I believe this hitteniess will 
save much effusion of blood, through the goodness of God !' 
" Was the fanatic's expectation realized ? Did the event 
approve his sagacity ? I think there is but one answer to 
questions like these. After all, the fanatic was wiser than 
the philosopher. The effect of his retaliatory policy, in 
checking outrages, in bringing to a pause the depredations 
of bandits, in staying the proposed execution of Free-State 
prisoners, was marvelous. The raid upon Dutch Henry's 
Crossing is not least among the deeds that saved Kansas 
to liberty." ^o 

In the February, 1884, North American Review, Sena- 
tor John J. Ingalls said: 

" Judge Hanway, before quoted, says : 

" ' I did not know of a settler of '56 but what regarded 
it as amongst the most fortunate events in the history of 
Kansas. It saved the lives of the Free-State men on the 
Creek, and those who did the act were looked upon as 
deliverers.' 

"One of the most eminent of the Free-State leaders^ 
v;ho is still living, writes : 

" ' He was the only man who comprehended the situa- 
tion, and saw the absolute necessity for some such blow, 
and had the nerve to strike it.' 

"Another prominent actor writes : 

" ' I wish to say right here about the Pottawatomie 
Creek massacre, which has been the theme of so much 
magazine literature, that at the time it occurred it was 
approved by myself and hundreds of others, including the 
most prominent of the leaders amongst the Free-State 
—16 



24:2 JOHN BEOWN 

men. It was one of the stern, merciless necessities of the 
times. The night it was done I was but a few miles away 
on guard, to protect from destruction the homes of Free- 
State men and their families, who had been notified by 
these men and their allies to leave within a limited time 
or forfeit their lives and property. The women and chil- 
dren dared not sleep in the houses, and were hid away in 
the thickets. Something had to be done, and the avenger 
appeared, and the doomed men perished, — they who had 
doomed others.' 

" It was the 'blood and iron' prescription of Bismarcli. 
The pro-slavery butchers of Kansas and their Missouri 
confederates learned that it was no longer safe to kill. 
They discovered, at last, that nothing is so unprofitable 
as injustice. They started from the guilty dream to find 
before them, silent and tardy, but inexorable and relent- 
less, with uplifted blade, the awful apparition of vengeance 
and retribution." 

I cannot close this chapter in any more suitable manner 
than by adding the testimony of the most eminent histo- 
rian who has ever written of Kansas, D. W. Wilder, author 
of the "Annals of Kansas" : 

" May 24-25. — James P. Doyle and his two sons, and 
William Sherman and Allen Wilkinson (a member of the 
Bogus Legislature), all Pro-Slavery, taken from their 
homes at night and murdered. They lived on the Potta- 
watomie, in Franklin county. Capt. John Brown led the 
party that did the deed. No other act spread such conster- 
nation among the rufiians, or contributed so powerfully to 
make Kansas free. Hitherto, murder had been an ex- 
clusive Southern privilege. The Yankee could 'argue' and 
make speeches; he did not dare to kill anybody. Blood 
sprinkles all the pages of history." 



WAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE 243 

Note 1. — Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, pp. 
273, 274. 

Note 2. — As showing the feeling of the Free-State men towards 
G. W. Brown, I quote from Webb Scrap Book No. 17, library of the 

State Historical Society, Topeka: 

"G. W. Brown had his press — The Herald of Freedom — destroyed 
by a mob from Missouri, who were acting in the capacity of a 
posse comitatus. He himself was arrested and imprisoned in the 
camp before Leeompton, on the charge of high treason or some similar 
misdemeanor. Terrified for his life, he became a traitor. Bought by 
Administration gold, he continues one." 

November 30, 1879, the Laicrence Journal quoted from the St. 
Joseph Herald the following: "Geo. W. Brown is the same liar and 
mercenary politician that he was twenty years ago, and the Laivrence 
Journal is hardly to be excused for publishing his venom. Brown 
hates the cause and the men that he betrayed. He is not trying to 
write history, but to make a rogues' gallery of the Kansas pioneers." 

Governor Robinson said of G. W. Brown: "He would crawl on 
his belly to Jerusalem to save his miserable neck." (See The Webb 
Scrap Book No. 17.) 

Document No. 2966, Brown Collection, library State Historical 
Society, Topeka, says: 

"Thayer has published letters from G. W. Brown! You knoio his 
reputation as well as I. It was current report at the time that he 
courted arrest. He was despised both by Pro-Slavery and Free-State 
men — a man without character or inliuence, and in order to get 
notoriety and in high company with the state prisoners submitted to 
arrest by a negro slave. Bah!" 

The foregoing paper was written by William H. Ambrose, Esq., 
Greeley, Kansas. 

In 1857, Mr. James H. Holmes wrote of G. W. Brown: 

"Governor Walker comes to town frequently, and stops at the 
Herald of Freedom office, in secret conclave with G. W. Brown. 
When you come here (if you should), you can judge for yourself." — 
"Life and Letters of John Brown," F. B. Sanborn, p. 305. 



John Brown himself wrote of G. W. Brown: "I believe all honest, 
sensible Free-State men in Kansas consider George Washington 
Brown's Herald of Freedom one of the most mischievous, traitorous 



244 JOHN BBOWN 

publications in the whole country." — "Life and Letters of John 
Brown," F. B. Sanborn, p. ^7C. 

Note 3. — These resolutions are given in full in The Kansas Con- 
flict, Charles Robinson, p. 275. 



Note 4. — The Free-State men said in public that they condemned 
the act, and privately they commended it and owed their lives to it. 
To strangers and the public they said they would search out the 
offenders; among themselves they whispered that John Brown had 
saved their lives by striking down the ruffians on the Pottawatomie. 



Note 5. — A little later Jefferson Davis wrote to General Smith: 

"The President has directed me to say to you that you are author- 
ized from time to time to make requisitions upon the Governor for 
such militia force as you may require to enable you to suppress the 
insurrection against the government of the Territory of Kansas. 
Should you not be able to derive from the military of Kansas an 
adequate force for the purpose, you will derive such additional num- 
ber of militia as may be necessary from the States of Illinois and 
Kentucky. . . . The position of the insurgents is that of open 
rebellion against the laics and cotistitutional authorities, with such 
manifestation of purpose to spread devastation over the land as 
no longer justifies further hesitation or indulgence." — Quoted from 
"Life and Letters of John Broun." F. B. Sanborn, p. 28Jt. 



Note 6. — "This decisive victory over the Slave-State party was 
achieved May 21, 1856, and to all appearance was final." — The Kan- 
sas Conflict, Charles Robinson, p. 265. 

Governor Robinson does not give so great prominence to the effects 
of the Pottawatomie affair as is ascribed to it by G. W. Brown. 
But he enumerates in his book all the invasions of the following 
summer, and then says: "All these movements resulted from the 
massacre." It took Governor Robinson more than twenty years to 
find that out, for at the dedication of the Brown Monument at 
Osawatomie, twenty-one years later, he said that Brown stood next 
to Jesus Christ. As he was the Free-State Governor, he should 
have known what did and what did not injure the Free-State cause 
in Kansas; and he should have made some progress in that discovery 
in twenty-one years! If John Brown's actions in May, 1856, were 
detrimental to the cause of freedom in Kansas, Governor Robinson 



WAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE 245 

should have discovered it in one year, or two years, or three years; 
at least, long before twenty-one years. No other man has ascribed 
to John Brown so great praise as did Governor Robinson upon 
that occasion. Unfortunately for his conclusion that the sacking 
of Lawrence was a great Free-State victory and the end of the war — 
the dawn of peace in Kansas — we have the testimony of men who saw 
the transactions of that summer. The records they made of these 
events were not for the purpose of condemning the course of anyone 
in Kansas, nor were they designed to establish the reputation of 
anyone for statesmanship. They are numerous and conclusive. One 
of the most trustworthy was made by Thomas H. Gladstone, who 
was a passenger on the boat that carried Governor Robinson from 
Kansas City to Leavenworth on the night of the 22d of May, 1856. 
He says: 

"In the morning, like my fellow-travelers, I was early astir. My 
Western companions, accustomed to frequent potations, seemed 
already sobered down by their few hours' rest. If less boisterously 
demonstrative, however, in relation to 'Yankee Abolitionists' than 
in the night, the change was only to an animosity of a more calculat- 
ing and determined character. News of fresh strife had been received 
during the night. 'Extras' of the different journals, in the form of 
printers' slips, containing the latest intelligence, were put on board 
and largely circulated. These invariably contained distorted ac- 
counts of the events of the hour, and appeals of the most inflam- 
matory character. As they were read aloud to the eager listeners, 
they gave occasion to renew determination to 'fight the nigger-wor- 
shipping crew to the last drop of blood.' One 'extra' I obtained, 
issued by the Border Times at Westport, in which the outrages at 
Lawrence were announced beneath the heading, "The Kansas Ball 
Opened — War in Earnest.' In another, a Lecompton paper, the 
narrative was headed, 'Lawrence Taken — Glorious Triumph of 
THE Law and Order Party over Fanaticism in Kansas.' When 
cold-blooded murder, which has left behind its destitution, widow- 
hood and orphanage, comes to be regarded by journalists as the mere 
opening of a ball and a ground for exultation, it is not to be wondered 
at that the men who perpetrated these deeds were eager to acquire 
fresh glory in the achievement of further 'triumphs.' " — "Kansas," 
by Thomas H. Gladstone, p. 42. 



Note 7. — G. W. Brown, in his Reminiscences of Old John Brown, 
page 12, gives a harrowing account of how Marshal Donaldson came 
into the pen where were the treason prisoners and informed them 
that all the "rangers," "tigers," thieves, thugs, and cut-throats in 
Missouri and Kansas had resolved to break into the prison, which 



246 



JOHN BROWN 



was an old and crazy brick shed or small house, and hang them in 
retaliation for the deaths of the Doyles and others. The doughty 
Marshall assures them that as they are all Odd Fellows, Masons, etc., 
he will save them, and that he had enlisted all the Territorial 
officers to help, even the Governor and the Judges! Of course it is 
to be understood that only the fact that they belonged to these 
secret orders saved them; had they been ordinary people they would 
have suffered a horrible death. It is not supposed that a governor, 
or even judges, will fight to save common people from mob violence, 
and perhaps no such Governor as was Shannon could have been in- 
duced to do so. And Judge Lecompte, who, by the way, lived at 
Leavenworth, and must have marched a long way to mount guard, 
could not be expected to do so. But we are told that these would 
have been unavailing had not Donaldson enlisted all the members 
of the secret orders he could find to reinforce the Governor and 
Judges, and with these "he hoped to save them." Such stuff as this 
is written in G. W. Brown's book under pretense of correcting his- 
tory! Even Professor Spring admits that John Brown's work on the 
Pottawatomie saved the treason prisoners from death, and no one 
can accuse Spring of willingly saying anything in favor of Brown. 
See his article in Lippincott's Magazine, January, 1883. But the 
really pathetic part of this story is to be found on page 23 of G. W. 
Brown's book. There he pictures the ruffians under guise of the 
''better class of citizens," wlien they find they cannot save Governor 
Robinson from the mcb in Leavenworth, as breaking into tears and 
weeping like children "as one by one they took him by the hand and 
bade him farewell"! This is, I suppose, one of the most pathetic 
and tear-producing incidents in all history! Governor Robinson has 
left us no such incident in his writings, but as Brown wrote to 
correct history, we must believe it! He says an "eye-witness" told 
liini about it, but very discreetly forgets to set down the name of this 
person who witnessed the most remarkable manifestation of grief to 
be found in all the annals of Kansas history. With all of Governor 
Robinson's hatred of John Brown, he did not descend to the ridicu- 
lous in any descriptions of him or the scenes he caused. 

What occurred in Leavenworth upon this occasion is fully de- 
scribed by Thomas H. Gladstone, in his "Kansas." Mr. Gladstone 
was at the time in the city, and saw what he describes. His book 
is one of the most reliable and valuable contributions to Kansas 
history : 



WAE ON THE POTTAWATOMIE 247 

"At the same moment came the news from Washington of the 
outrage committed in the Senate chamber upon the person of Mr. 
Sumner. I well remember the effect this had upon many, who con- 
cluded that the rule of force and violence had been fairly inaugurated 
even in the highest places of the land, and was no longer restricted 
to the lawless inhabitants of the frontier. Bands of armed men 
under military command paraded the streets of Leavenworth; others 
guarded the points of egress from the city. They held lists in their 
hands, containing the names of Free-State men, whom they made 
rapid work of seizing and placing in confinement. The Committee 
of Investigation, although holding appointments from Congress, found 
itself compelled to interrupt its sittings. Every hour brought intelli- 
gence of some fresh deed of violence or wrong." — '^Kansas," by 
Thomas H. Gladstone, p. 215. 

Why is it not possible that this same intelligence caused the 
danger to the prisoners at Lecompton and the scene described by 
G. W. Brown, if any such scene ever occurred? 



Note 8. — Johnson Clark's statement, in Reminiscences of Old John 
Brovm, G. W. Brown, M. D., p. 59, and following. 



Note 9. — The second statement can be found in the History of 
the State of Kansas, A. T. Andreas, under head of " Franklin 
County." The last statement can be found in the Reminiscences of 
Old John Brown, G. W. Brown, M. D., p. 72, and following. 



Note 10. — John Brown and His Men, Richard J. Hinton, p. 91. 
Colonel Hinton further says, on the same page: 

"So much is certain. The men who were slain represented the 
worst elements arrayed in behalf of slavery, and engaged in harrying 
the Free-State settlers; the results of the deed were immediately and 
permanently beneficial, and the most of those who have since defamed 
and assailed the name and fame of John Brown under pretense of 
being shocked by the Pottawatomie tragedy, were conspicuous in 
earlier days in eulogizing the man they now assail. It is an act not 
to be judged by soft 'lutings of my lady's chamber,' or the usual 
conventionalities of peaceful periods. Those who are shocked always 
at the shedding of blood will shudder when reading the story. Those 
who comprehend that evolution includes cataclysm as well as conti- 
nuity, will realize the nature of the forces in issue, and decide as their 
own conception of events and their righteousness may determine. 
Those who lived through those titanic days, and stood for freedom, 
will have no doubt in ranging themselves. For John Brown himself, 
no one who understands the conditions then existing will oifer 
apology or excuse. The act done proved to be a potential one in the 



24^8 JOHN BRO^VN■ 

winning of free institutions for Kansas. And that is what they have 
te deal with. John Brown always declared that the people of Kansas 
would surely .'Justain and justify the deed done on the 24th of May, 
18^6. The marble statue erected in his honor at Osawatoinie is in 
evidence of the faith that was in him. For himself, while never 
acknowledging participation in the Pottawatomie slaying, he never 
denied it either. lie always declared, however, that, as he avowed a 
belief in its righteousness, he could not, therefore, avoid a personal 
responsibility for the deed. This has been the attitude of every 
honorable Free-State man in Kansas. To avoid now would be cow- 
ardice indeed. Time has lifted the shadows, hut it has not dulled 
the memory." 



Note \\.—Gamett Plaindealer. Quoted by the Latcrence Jour- 
nal, January 22, 1880. Files 920-B, 81, library State Historical 
Society, Topeka. 

Note 12. — Quoted from Life and Lettera of John Brown, F B. 
Sanborn, p. 500. 



Note 13. — Life and Letters of John Broun, F B. Sanborn, p. 171. 
NOTF 14. — Life and L'tKrs of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, p. 2S0. 
Note 15. — Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, p. 281. 

Note IC. — The inscription to John Brown is as follows: 

This Inscription is also in Commemoration of the 
Heroicm of Captain John Brown, who Com- 
manded AT THE Battle of Osawatomie, 
August 30, 1856, who Died and Con- 
quered American Slavery at 
CHARLiffiTON, Virginia, 
December 2, 1859. 

Note 17. — In justice to Governor Robinson's memory I must say 
that he afterwards changed his opinion of the value of the services 
rendered Kansas and humanity by John Brown. He became the most 
bitter of all the defamers of Brown's memory. He attacked not only 
Brown, but all his family, and accused them of being liars for thirty 
years. He accused Brown of going to the gallows with a lie on his 
lips. He attributed all the sufferings borne by the Free-State people 



WAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE 



249 



in Kansas in the summer of 1856 to Brown's raid on the Pottawato- 
mie. He gave as his reason for this change the confession of Towns- 
ley. Now, as Townsley said that the slaying of those men on the 
Pottawatomie was a benefit to the Free-State cause, and to the 
settlers around Dutch Henry's Crossing, the position taken by Gov- 
ernor Eobinson in relation to that part of Brown's work must have 
been caused by something else. It is very strange that Governor 
Robinson did not ascertain for more than twenty years that Brown's 
work on the Pottawatomie injured the Free-State cause. Townsley's 
statement may have been sufficient cause for him to change his esti- 
mate of Brown's humanity, of the justice or injustice of the motives 
governing Brown's actions; but it could not possibly furnish any 
pretext for a change of opinion as to whether or not his work on 
the Pottawatomie injured or did not injure the Free-State cause 
in Kansas. If it injvired that cause the injury should have been 
apparent at once, and Governor Robinson, as the head of the Free- 
State movement, should have denounced it and Brown then and 
there. But he said for many years that Brown's work was beneficial 
to the Free-State cause, and when Brown left Kansas in September, 
1856, he carried letters commending his work in Kansas, and these 
letters were from Governor Robinson. If Governor Robinson knew 
that Brown's work in Kansas had injured the Free-State cause, and 
knowing this, gave him letters saying that this work was beneficial, 
then he is as much to be condemned as is Brown ; and if he gave such 
letters under such conditions, all that he says of Brown can justly 
be said of Robinson. Governor Robinson says he is convinced no 
violence was done on the Pottawatomie and none was contemplated. 
In this conclusion he ignores the statements of all the Free-State 
men living there at the time. This quiet and peaceful condition of 
the Pottawatomie, which existed only in Robinson's mind, is assigned 
as a reason for his change. 

But the truth of the matter is that John Brown's work in Kansas 
was of as much or even more benefit to the Free- State cause than 
that of any other single individual who fought for freedom here. 
John Brown did not save Kansas any more than Eli Thayer, or 
Charles Robinson, or James H. Lane, or any one of the very great 
number of others who saved it. But like the distinguished men 
named, he did his duty here, and did all his duty; he did not agree 
with any of the men named in the policy to be pursued; he was in 
advance of them, and in advance of the men of his generation. He 



250 JOHN BROWN 

was the pioneer in whose broad and well-marked trail-way the nation 
marched to a higher plane of liberty a few years later. Governor 
Eobinson was right when he said the soul of John Brown was the 
inspiration of the armies of the North fighting to save the Union; 
and his soul is now the inspiration of all the oppressed of Europe 
struggling for some share of their liberty. 

If Governor Robinson came to honestly believe that John Brown 
was a wicked man and a murderer, and that he was a great detriment 
to the cause he was trying to forward, then it was his duty to change 
his opinion of him and his work. He says this is the case. He 
assigns his reasons for the change, and gives his causes. They were 
no doubt suflicient to satisfy and convince Governor Robinson. But 
a later generation will claim for itself the right to examine these 
same causes, and determine whether the verdict rendered by Governor 
Robinson was just or unjust. And a later generation will decide 
for itself whether Governor Robinson was right for the first twenty- 
one years after the work of Bro«-n and wrong in his estimate after 
that period, or rice versa. 

It has been the condition here in Kansas for twenty years, that 
if any writer said anything in favor of John Brown or General Lane 
he was immediately attacked by the friends of Governor Robinson. 
Or if Governor Robinson's acts were criticized the writer was im- 
mediately accused of not appreciating the services of the great first 
Governor. And the same conditions have existed in regard to other 
jnen — Montgomery, and many others. Their friends forget that 
these men, one and all, were in the service of the people. They 
forget that the acts of these men are a proper subject for criticism 
and comment. There was great rivalry between the politicians for 
the highest place. They became bitter personal enemies, and had 
followers and partisans as bitter as themselves. Every weakness of 
each was mercilessly exposed. The intense feeling then engendered 
has existed to this time, but, happily, it is now passing rapidly 
away. The old quarrels and feuds between leaders interest us no 
more except as they enable us to get at the truth of motive and 
action. We see in all these men champions of freedom who fought 
and sacrificed and died for our liberties. They are all immortal, and 
with their hates, grudges, feuds, political aspirations, party affilia- 
tions, disappointments or successes in seeking office, we have nothing 
to do unless these help us in some way to get at a right understand- 
ing of facts vital to the history of Kansas. 



WAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE 251 

Note 18. — Topel-a Commonwealth^ Saturday, February 16, 1884. 



Note 19. — Topeka Commonwealth, Saturday, February 16, 1884. 



Note 20. — This statement is a clipping from the Leavenioorth 
Weeklt/ Press, of which Clarke and Legate were publishers at the 
time. The clipping is in the files of the newspaper clippings concern- 
ing John Brown, in the library of the State Historical Society, 
but only "December 11," is there preserved as the date. It was 
probably in 1879, and as the files of the paper are preserved in the 
library of the Society the date can be ascertained. 



Note 21. — Memorial of S. N. Wood, Mrs. Margaret L. Wood, 
p. 41. 

Note 22. — Life and Letters of John Broicn, F. B. Sanborn, p. 280. 



Note 23. — Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, p. 266. 



Note 24. — Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, p. 280. 



Note 25. — Documents relating to John Brown, in library of the 
State Historical Society, Topeka. 



Note 26. — Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, p. 266. 



Note 27. — In Lippincott's Magazine, January, 1883. 



Note 28. — Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, 
pp. 255-6. 

Note 29. — Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, p. 331. 



Note 30. — In Lippincott's Magazine, January, 1883. 



CHAPTER IX. 

THE BATTLE OF BLACK JACK. 



Thankless, too, for peace, 
Secure from actual warfare, we have loved 
To swell the warwhoop, passionate for war! 
Alas! for ages ignorant of all 
Its ghastlier workings, (famine or blue plague, 
Battle, or siege, or flight through wintry snows,) 
We, this whole people, have been clamorous 
For war and bloodshed. — Coleridge. 

John Brown and the company who were with him on the 
Pottawatomie returned with the " Pottawatomie Eifles" 
after thej had disbanded in the camp at the house of 
Ottawa Jones. The eight men remained together, and at 
the crossing of Middle creek they separated from the main 
body of returning soldiers and went to the cabin of John 
Brown, jr., which was deserted and solitary, the famih' 
having been driven away by the Doyles and others. They 
remained here one night, and with guard set; the follow- 
ing night they went to the cabin of Jason Brown, which 
was also deserted and lonely. Here they remained a few 
days, and maintained a guard all the time; and were 
joined by August Bondi and another, believed by Towns- 
ley to have been Benjamin L. Cochran. They were ready 
to go to the assistance of any Free-State family or com- 
munity. They were poorly armed ; Captain Brown had a 

sword and a heavy revolver. His sons were armed with 

(252) 



THE BATTLE OF BLACK JACK 263 

revolvers, the heavy swords that had done such fearful ex- 
ecution on the Pottawatomie, and old obsolete rifles of 
small bore.^ Townsley bore an old musket, Weiner a 
"double-barreled" gun, and Bondi an old-fashioned flint- 
lock musket. 

John Brown, jr., and Jason Brown went to the residence 
of their uncle, the Rev. S. L. Adair, where they found their 
families, on their return from the expedition to aid Law- 
rence. But as they did not want to subject Mr. Adair to 
danger on their account, they determined to go to some 
camp of United States troops and surrender themselves. 
This conclusion was reached after they were informed 
that a posse was seeking them with warrants for con- 
spiracy against the bogus laws or for treason. There was 
a command of United States troops at the house of Ottawa 
Jones, and Jason set out to reach it and deliver himself 
up. He was on foot, and in crossing the prairies he met 
a company of Pro-Slavery men under command of Rev. 
Martin White ; here he expected to be killed. He marched 
backward in the road for some distance, all the time with 
his bosom bared and avowing that he was an abolitionist. 
The ruffians were slowly advancing upon him, and finally 
told him that he would not then be killed. He was carried 
to Paola, where Judge Cato had been located for some time^ 
intending to hold a term of court. The charge against him 
was conspiracy, and he narrowly escaped lynching. He 
was imprisoned and well guarded, but as the town was full 
of Buford's men and Pro-Slavery Missourians, he expected 
to be killed, and had been driven by their brutality to the 
verge of despair, and cared little whether he was murdered 
or not. John Brown, jr., was taken by Captain Pate and 



I 



254 JOHN BKOWN 

the United States Marshal, at the house of his uncle, on the 
28th of May, and was also taken to Paola. 

John Brown, hearing that his sons were captured and in 
Paola, sent his relative, Horace Day, a mere boy, with a 
note to the people of Paola, which said simply that he was 
aware that two of his sons were held there as prisoners. 
This brief note threw the town into consternation. Mid- 
night alarms were frequent thereafter, and the prisoners 
were shifted about from place to place in order that they 
might not be rescued ; and in these uneasy and troubled 
perambulations the prisoners were left sometimes to care 
for themselves while the invincible guards betook them- 
selves to the brush until the danger from "Old Brown" 
was past. There were times, tuo, when the ruffians crowded 
about with uplifted knives to slay them.^ John Brown, jr., 
had been spending the nights in the woods, deeply anxious 
for the safety of his family. His uncle says he was suffer- 
ing from a temporary insanity while at his house. When 
it was determined to remove the prisoners to Lecomptou, 
Captain Walker bound the arms of John Brown, jr., so 
tightly that he was in great pain ; he was made to trot be- 
fore the horses in the hot sun for nine miles. The bonds 
were not removed for twenty-seven hours; all circulation 
of the blood was stopped and his arms were fearfully swol- 
len ; when the chains were taken off the skin clung to them, 
and the marks so made remained with him to the grave. 
He was a maniac for some days; he was seized with a 
dangerous illness and his life was despaired of for a time, 
but he finally recovered.^ 

The settlers of Prairie City were threatened by the 
ruffians in that vicinity. They sent O. A. Carpenter to 



THE BATTLE OF BLACK JACK 256 

search out John Brown and request him to come to their 
protection; and such a message was never sent to John 
Brown in vain. He agreed to go, and at dusk set out for 
the troubled district, which he reached on the morning of 
May 27th; he went into camp in a deep wood, where he 
could be reached with great difficulty by an enemy and with 
considerable trouble by his friends.^ He devoted his time 
to searching for the marauders, but they were wary and not 
easily found. A large camp of Buford's men were sta- 
tioned at the house of one La Hay, on the AVakarusa, and 
spent their time between their camp and the house of 
Colonel Titus and a Mr. Clark; they were preying upon 
the Free-State settlers, and it was evident that they would 
join any band of Missourians who might invade the settle- 
ment. The settlers kept a close watch upon these precious 
rogues, and more than once came into collision with them 
as they were prowling about for plunder and bent on mur- 
der in the interest of slavery. 

H. Clay Pate was a Virginian.^ He seems to have been 
a man of some education ; he was a graduate of some col- 
lege, and, like many wiser men, supposed that the world 
was breathlessly waiting for his graduation in expectation 
that he would at once give it a thorough overhauling, and 
remedy all its ills, and especially the ills that slavery was 
falling into from the scoundrels in the JS^orth who called 
themselves abolitionists. In his peregrinations toward the 
setting sun he stopped a season in Cincinnati. Here he 
published a book of reminiscences, which the world treated 
with much indifference ; he also entered journalism, where 
he had some pecuniary success. But as slavery cried out 
for champions beyond Missouri he chafed under restraint, 



! 






256 JOHN BEOWN 

and finally breaking through hindrances and subordinate 
alliances he continued his perambulations, and halted on 
the border of Kansas Territory. He seized upon West- 
port, and there devoted himself to journalism and war. 
He raised a company of ruffians, almost all Missourians,aud 
had himself elected Captain. This company was mustered 
in as ''Shannon's Sharp-Shooters." As they were poor 
marksmen, it is supposed that the word "sharp" in their 
official designation was meant to indicate that they were 
"men of intelligence who could shoot," or that it might in- 
dicate that "they could shoot men of intelligence" ; but on 
this point there is much doubt, and we are left altogether 
to the resources of conjecture.* This company was made 
a part of the Kansas militia, under some authority of the 
bogus laws. Pate had it at the sacking of Lawrence, 
where he distinguished himself by riding rapidly about 
upon a horse decked in trappings such as might delight an 
Indian warrior; there were ribbons attached to mane 
and tail, and the wind carried them out as gay streamers. 
He was jealous of the unsavory reputation of the Kickapoo 
Rangers, and strove to do some service to the cause dear 
to the ruffian heart which would place him upon the same 
footing enjoyed by that band of cut-throats.^ After the 
town of Lawrence was sacked he tarried in the Territory, 
and was in no hurry to return to Missouri. His head- 
quarters were at Lecompton, but he remained here but a 
short time. Phillips says he burned the house and store of 
Weiner, in the Pottawatomie settlements. If this be true 
he must have gone directly from Lawrence to the vicinity 
of Dutch Henry's Crossing. Sanborn says that he re- 

•ThU Is General Jo. O. Shelby's characterization ot this band. 



I ll 



THE BATTLE OF BLACK JACK 257 

mained at Lecompton until the 25th, when, hearing of the 
killing of the Doyles and others, he resolved to capture 
John Brown. The fact that the Lecompton Union an- 
nounced his departure, but made no reference to his desire 
to capture Brown, but gave as his mission that explanation 
furnished by his lieutenant, one Brockett, "We are going 
down to the southern part of the Territory expecting to see 
rattlesnakes and abolitionists, and shall take our guns 
along," makes it probable that Pate departed before the 
25th, and before the raid on the Pottawatomie by John 
Brown. He pretended to be a deputy United States Mar- 
shal, and may have been one in fact. He was at Paola 
when the sons of John Brown arrived as prisoners, and in- 
deed captured John Brown, jr., at the house of Mr. Adair. 
He took to the prairies, declaring that he would capture 
Old John Brown, and the robberies he committed upon 
Free-State men in this mission caused the men of the 
Prairie City region to seek the aid of Brown. 

Pate and his company left the United States troops on 
Middle Ottawa creek on Saturday, the 31st day of May, 
and marched to the Santa Pe road, near Hickory Point, 
in Douglas county. That night he camped on the prairie 
near the ravines wdiich formed a small stream called 
Black Jack, from the abundance of scrub-oak of that 
name which grew about it. He was much discouraged 
that he had not found John Brown, and began to fear 
that he might not be able to find him at all. But not to 
entirely fail in their objects, they went, as soon as it was 
dark, to Palmyra, which town they attacked and plun- 
dered. They took some Free-State men prisoners, and one 
of these being a preacher, he was outrageously treated. 

—17 



258 JOHN BROWN 

A funnel was placed in his moiitli and through it a boun- 
tiful supply of ruffian whisky was poured down his throat. 
The predatory expedition to Palmyra on Saturday night 
was not satisfactory, and it was renewed on Sunday morn- 
ing. They brought a wagon, which tliey filled with the 
goods of the village storekeeper, after destroying much 
that they could not carry away. This only whetted their 
appetites. In the afternoon they expressed their intention 
to go to the little town of Prairie City and pillage it. 
It is said that Pate tried to dissuade them, but was un- 
successful ; six of them rode away to accomplish this ob- 
ject. The people had gathered to hear the Gospel 
preached, among them some twenty men ; and in true 
Western-frontier fashion, they had carried with them 
their guns, for the minister had been captured the pre- 
vious night and released. They mistrusted that it might 
devolve upon them to do battle against the visible as well 
as the invisible powers of darkness and allies of the devil, 
and their guns were always in ready reach. Services were 
almost closed when the guard rushed in and cried : 
"The Missourians — the Missourians are coming 1" 
The congregation immediately dispersed and surrounded 
the four ruffians who came in first; the two who were fol- 
lowing at a little distance in the rear, seeing how the 
matter was likely to turn out, wheeled their horses and gal- 
loped away and escaped, though they were fired at.""^ 

As soon as Captain Shore was informed of the presence 
of the enemy he began to collect his men. Captain Brown 
was notified that the invaders were in the vicinity in force ; 
he and Captain Shore spent Sunday looking for their 
camp, which was concealed in the clumps of bushes grow- 



THE BATTLE OF BLACK JACK 



259 



ing in the ravines. They returned to Prairie City at day- 
light on Monday morning, and there met two scouts who 
had just returned from the head of Black Jack, and who 
gave them information which enabled them to find Pate's 
camp.^ Captain Shore had collected nineteen of his com- 
pany, and Captain Brown had nine men. The Free- 
State forces numbered thirty men. Captains Shore and 
Brown led these forces against the camp of Pate. It was 
well chosen for defense, and had a breastwork of wagons 
in front ; in the rear it was protected by a deep ravine in 
which grew timber, and beyond this was a quagmire filled 
with high grass and swamp-bushes. Captain Brown led 
his men up to the head of the ravine, and directed Cap- 
tain Shore to get into the lower part of the ravine where 
his men would have protection, and from which both 
parties could fire at Pate while they were out of range 
of the guns of each other. Captain Brown gained his 
position, but Captain Shore was not so successful. Being 
challenged by Pate, he formed his men on the prairie and 
delivered a volley, which was returned at once by the 
Missourians. The fight continued some ten minutes, when 
Pate retreated from his breastwork of wagons to the ra- 
vine. He was here protected from the fire of Captain 
Shore, whose position became untenable. His men re- 
treated some distance up the hill, where they were out of 
range. Captain Shore then went to the line of Brown^ 
where he remained through much of the action, and some 
of his men went with him. Brown's position was a good 
one, and several of the Missourians were wounded. Am- 
munition was low in the Free-State ranks, and some men 
were sent away to secure more. Punners were sent, among 



260 JOHN BROWN 

them Captain Shore, to Captain J. B. Abbott, to request 
him to bring his men and help in the work of defeating 
Pate.» 

After the firing had continued about three hours, Cap- 
tain Brown directed some of his men to shoot at the horses 
belonging to Pate's forces. He went to Shore's men and 
had them do the same. The Missourians began to slip 
down the ravine until they were out of range, and then 
make a dash for their horses ; they would mount, one by 
one, and gallop away. Frederick Brown mounted his 
horse and galloped around the camp, shouting to imagi- 
nary reinforcements to hurry up. Captain Pate saw no 
hope of being able to escape, and sent out a flag of truce. 
Captain Brown inquired of the bearer if he was the 
Captain of the company, and when assured that he was 
not, ordered a Mr. Lymer, a Free-State prisoner who had 
been sent with the flag of truce, to return and call the 
commander. 

It is said that a Mr. James carried the flag of truce; 
and some claim that it was Lieutenant Brockett. Whoever 
the man, he remained with Captain Brown while Mr. 
Lymer returned for Captain Pate, who, now that his 
flag of truce served no better purpose than to summon him J ; 

to face a grim and relentless foe in conference, reluctantly 
and with misgivings as to the result, came forth. Upon 
being asked whether he had a proposition to make, he hesi- 
tated, and said he believed he had not. Captain Brown ^ ' 
cut into his explanation that he was a Deputy United 
States Marshal, and said he wanted to hear no more about 
that. " I know exactly what you are, sir. I have a propo- 
sition to make to you — that is, your unconditional sur- 
render." _. 



THE BATTLE OF BLACK JACK 261 

As Captain Brown held a large revolver in close prox- 
imity to Pate's head, there was little to be expected from 
duplicity.^® Brown ordered his men to go to the mouth 
of the ravine to prevent the escape of the Missourians, 
while he went to their camp with their Captain. Brockett 
objected to surrender, and talked defiantly, but Brown 
demanded of Pate that he order Brockett and his men to 
lay down their arms and surrender, and as the large re- 
volver was thrust a little nearer, Pate ordered them to 
comply. This they did. Twenty-two Pro-Slavery men 
surrendered to nine Free-State men. The losses of Cap- 
tain Pate were as follows : twenty-one surrendered ; 
wounded and escaped, twenty-seven. Perhaps others es- 
caped before the battle closed ; all the wounded except two 
escaped. The Free-State men captured a large quantity 
of arms and ammunition, and recovered much property 
the marauders had stolen from the settlers ; some of the 
plunder taken from Lawrence when it was sacked was 
recovered. The four wagons were fairly well loaded with 
provisions.^ ^ In his account of the battle, written for the 
Missouri Republican, Pate said : " I was taken prisoner 
under a flag of truce. I had no alternative but to submit 
or to run and be shot. I went to take old Brown and old 
Brown took me." 

The arms of the Missourians were taken from them, and 
they were marched to John Brown's camp. Just as the 
file of captives were starting under guard. Captain Abbott 
came up with reinforcements, some iift_y men. So Cap- 
tain Pate could not have escaped had he even known that 
John Brown and his men had remaining but one round 
of ammunition when the demand for the surrender was 



262 JOHN BROWN 

made.^^ Pate and bis command were marched to Brown's 
camp on Middle Ottawa creek, where they were kept as 
prisoners. An agreement was here made between Captains 
Brown and Shore and Pate and Brockett that prisoners 
should be exchanged. John Brown, jr., and Jason Brown, 
who were yet in the camp of the United States dragoons 
uear the house of Ottawa Jones, were to be given up for 
the release of Pate and Brockett; and other prisoners 
were to be exchanged on equal terms.^* 

In the Territorial days of Kansas it was always the duty 
of the Governor to aid the ruffian forces in every conceiv- 
able way, and this duty was generally cheerfully per- 
formed. jSTo sooner had Governor Shannon been informed 
that Pate had not only failed to capture John Bro^vn but 
had been himself captured, than he issued a proclamation 
ordering all armed bands to disperse and retire to their 
homes. Colonel Sumner was directed to go to the vicinity 
of the late battle and release the " Shannon Sharp- 
Shooters" from the iron grip of Old John Brown. It was 
well known that had Pate been successful in his enter- 
prise, no proclamation would have been issued. This proc- 
lamation was not issued until after the Pro-Slavery men 
had been attacked at Franklin, on the night of June 4th, 
although it was dated the same day. Colonel Sumner was 
ordered to defend Franklin and the house of a Pro-Slavery 
man who sheltered a company of Buford's men. But the 
attack frightened the ruffians and Franklin was not contin- 
ued as one of their bases, and not so used for some time. 

When the news of the capture of Pate reached Missouri, 
Whitfield left Westport in haste, on the evening of the 2d 
of June, to succor and relieve that worthy. He had three 



THE BATTLE OF BI-ACK JACK 263 

companies of llissouriaiis under him, eacJi numbering 
seventy men, all well equipped and armed. He was ac- 
companied by ''General" Reid, wbo was a candidate for 
Congress in some Missouri district. They went into camp 
on Bull creek, some twelve miles east of Palmyra. Other 
Pro-Slavery parties gathered, and some of them camped 
on the same field made gory by the heroism of Captain 
Pate ! On the 5th of June Colonel Sumner went to John 
Brown's camp and released Pate and his men, and restored 
to them their arms and horses. He prevailed upon Cap- 
tain Brown and Captain Shore to disband their forces; 
this he accomplished by assuring them that the forces 
under Whitfield and Reid should return to Missouri at 
once. This they agreed to do, and a part of their force did 
so return; but by far the larger portion of the men had 
not had any opportunity to steal from Free-State men, and 
as plunder was always one of the strong inducements for 
the invasion of Kansas, these men could not be so easily 
turned back. They had murdered only one Free-State 
man, and this was another reason why they could not be 
induced to return ; some town must be pillaged and more 
than one "abolitionist" killed before they would feel war- 
ranted in returning from an expedition of which so much 
was expected. Pate agreed to return to Missouri, but 
failed to do so ; and it is said that he and his men partici- 
pated in the trial of Jacob Craitrel for "treason to ]\[is- 
souri," of which he was convicted and for which he was 
shot. In all the orders to the Free-State men to disperse, 
the United States troops warned them that they must 
obey the bogus laws or leave the Territory. Indeed, this 
was the cause of the invasions; resistance to the bogus 



264 



JOHN" BEOWN 



laws was the foundation upon which all the outrages com- 
mitted upon the Free-State men by the Pro-Slavery Mis- 
sourians in the summer of 1856 were built. 

On the 6th of June Whitfield set out on his return to 
Missouri, but not until he had seen Pate, Reid, Jenigan 
and Bell start to Osawatomie with one hundred and sev- 
enty men. The Free-State forces having been disbanded, 
there could be no effective resistance at Osawatomie. The 
ruffians were led to the town by a spy who had been sent 
in the day before, and who pretended to be sick and had 
received good treatment. They pillaged dwellings and 
business houses alike. Trunks, drawers, boxes, desks and 
wardrobes were broken and ransacked. Rings were torn 
from the fingers of the women, as well as from their ears ; 
clothing and even furniture were loaded on their horses to 
be carried away to Missouri. Whisky was seized and swal- 
lowed while the crusaders for slavery raged and threatened. 
Some of them tore the clothing from women and children, 
and an eminent writer of that time says that "they ought 
to have had a petticoat apiece as trophies." I close this 
chapter with a quotation from this writer : ^* 

" Having got all the plunder they Avanted, they were 
anxious to be off. 

" ' Hurry, hurry !' they said to each other. ' These d — d 
abolitionists are somewhere not far off, and will be down 
on us the first thing we know.' They accordingly re- 
treated from the ill-fated town as rapidly and unmolested 
as they had entered it, carrying their booty with them. 

" When they got to their camp the company divided. 
Half of them started immediately back for Westport, and 
the remainder moved off and camped on the lower part 
of Bull creek, some eight miles from Osawatomie. There 
they had an adventure. 



THE BATTLE OF BLACK JACK 



265 



"As miglit be expected, they kept a sharp lookout for 
abolitionists. Two days after sacking the city of Osawato- 
mie, a couple of their own number had been on a scout, 
and on their return to camp, while near it, fired oif their 
gims. The guard in that direction gave the alarm, fired 
his gun in the direction of the two men, and cried at the 
top of his lungs, 'The abolitionists are coming! — the 
abolitionists are coming ! ' Whereupon the whole camp 
got into a panic, and, without taking time to pack up 
their effects, started off' at the run. There were some horses 
harnessed to wagons ; these were hurriedly taken out, and 
off the whole party went in a helter-skelter race, outrival- 
ing John Gilpin's. Once or twice one of their number 
would discharge a pistol or a gun behind him, as a warning 
to abolitionists to keep off, which had the effect of keeping 
up the fear of the retreating party. 

"' They never stopped till they got to Battiesville 
[Paola], an Indian station among the Weas. The Indian 
storekeeper, seeing a band of wild-looking fellows gallop- 
ing up, with arms in their hands, and looking very terrible 
from fear and excitement, closed his door, and, in spite of 
all their entreaties, would not let them in. 

" ' The abolitionists are coming ! — we want to come in 
pnd defend the place ! ' 

" The Indian happened to be a Pro-Slavery Indian, 
but he was moderately suspicious of the appearance of 
these ' law and order' men ; so he grunted, 

" 'Abolitionists, heap bad ! — no come ! ' 

" ' Yes, they are coming ! ' yelled a score of anxious 
voices. 'G — d blast ye ! let us in ! They'll be here in a 
minute ! ' 

" 'Come in to-morrow, maybe,' was the cautious answer. 

" Time was pressing. There were two or three unoccu- 
pied log houses close at hand ; so they made a virtue of 
necessity and got into them. The chinking was driven 
out for portholes, and the doors barricaded ; meanwhile 
two of the best-mounted were dispatched in hot haste to 



266 JOHN BROWN 

Missouri, — one to Jackson, and the other to Cass county, — 
telling their friends to come up quick, for the abolitionists 
with great force were besieging them in Battiesville, and 
that they would endeavor to hold out till they could come. 
"A party of men did start to the rescue, and more would 
have gone if these had not returned and reported it a hoax. 
This masterly retreat was a standing joke amongst the 
border ruffians in that quarter, who taunted their com- 
rades about their ' holding out aa:ainst the abolition- 
ists.' " i» 



XoTE 1. — "The swords used were not sabers exactly, but weapons 
made like the Roman short-sword, of which six or eight had been 
given to Brown in Akron, Ohio, just before he went to Kansas, by 
General Bierce of that city, who took them from an old armory 
there. They had been the swords of an artillery company, then dis- 
banded, which General Bierce had something to do with, and there 
were also some guns and old bayonets among these arms. The bayo- 
nets would not fit any guns the Kansas people had; and so in 
December, 1855, when the Browns went up to defend Lawrence for 
the first time, they fastened some of them on sticks, and intended to 
use them in defending breastworks. They were thrown loosely 'into 
the bed of the wagon,' — not set up about it for parade, as some 
have said. There were also some curved swords among these Akron 
arms." — "Life and Letters of John Broun," F. B. Sanborn, p. 264, 
note. 

Note 2. — In the library of the State Historical Society, in the John 
Brown Collection, there is a long statement made by Jason Brown, 
April 2, 188-4, to F. G. Adams, at that time Secretary of the Society. 
The statement was made in Topeka, and fully covers the captivity of 
Jason Brown and John Brown, jr., and is one of the very valuable 
papers in relation to this period of Kansas history, althougn there 
are some inaccuracies and minor errors in it, such as will always be 
found in a paper prepared exclusively from memory after the lapse 
of so great a time aiter the events described. 



Note 3. — That John Brown, jr., was insane for some time, there 



THE BATTLE OF BLACK JACK 267 

is no question; perhaps he was partially insane before he was cap- 
tured, but this was from the effects of anxiety for his family, loss 
of sleep, and exposure. This was a sliylit form of insanity or nerv- 
ous derangement incident to the hardships to which he had been 
subjected. It was much aggravated by the brutal treatment he 
received at the hands of his captors. It did not entirely disappear 
for some time. 



Note 4. — "Brown started at once, Saturday evening, April [May] 
30, with about a dozen men, among whom was his son Salmon, now a 
resident of Salem, Ore., from whom this story was obtained, and 
who had already lost considerable sleep, so that he was not in good 
condition for an all-night march. He rode a skittish, ugly little 
mule, on which were piled all the blankets. Young Brown was 
unable to keep awake, so every time the mule gave a sudden start 
he rolled oflf. 

"Just south of Toy [Ottawa] Jones's place was a lane, half a mile 
long, through which it was necessary to pass. With a view of 
capturing Brown and his party, 200 soldiers had camped in this 
lane. Suddenly Salmon Brown was awakened by his brother Fred, 
who was an exceptionally fine horseman, talking to a soldier, who 
said to him, 'Hold on, there, or you will get shot!' For a moment 
Fred continued to talk, then made a sudden dash through the camp- 
fire, followed by his party in single file. The movement was so sud- 
den and unexpected that no one was shot. As soon as the camp was 
passed, Salmon Brown looked back, and saw the road crowded with 
suddenly awakened soldiers, who were yet unable to realize what had 
happened. Fatigue was such, however, that he soon fell asleep again 
and fell from his mule." — W. G. Steel, in Portland Oregonian. 



Note 5. — "Pate, by birth a Virginian, first sought to find fame 
and fortune in the city of Cincinnati. He published 'a thin volume 
of collegiate sketches,' and 'several pointless, bombastically writteji 
stories,' which, we are told, 'was embellished with the author's por- 
trait and autograph.' He failed to get readers or even favorable 
reviewers, although he sought to make genial critics by entering 
into sanctums 'armed with a cowhide and revolver.' Not even by 
his next effort, *a large engraved portrait of himself,' could the 
hungerer after literary reputation find satisfaction. 

" He then sought fame as a journalist, and again was preemi- 



268 



JOHN BROWN 



nently unsuccessful. As a parasite of the Protestant demagogue, 
Gavazzi, he gained in pocket, but lost in caste; and what he earned 
in purse he again squandered in publication — in a new and equally 
fruitless effort to win a literary reputation without the intellect 
to found it on, or the moral character to dignify and support it. 
'He had a signboard on his door, inscribed, H. Clay Pate, Author"; 
but as Heaven had not written this inscription on his forehead, the 
sign in due time disappeared, and 'the author' with it. 

"He hurried to the borders to seek notoriety as a champion of 
the South. He determined at first to be distinguished with his pen ; 
but, surpassed on every hand as a journalist and writer, he next 
sought the ever-flying phantom of fame with sword in hand, and on 
the tented field." — "Life of Captain John Brown," James Redpath, 
p. 121. 

"Captain Pate, however, pretended to be an officer under Marshal 
Donaldson. Quite likely they belonged to the 'militia,' as they had 
the United States arms belonging to the Territory; but most of them, 
like their gallant captain, lived in Missouri. Captain Pate is a 
Virginian by birth. He is a good-looking fellow, and a man of 
intelligence. He has been engaged as an editor in Cincinnati, and 
has acted as the Kansas correspondent of the Missouri Republican; 
for which he provided Pro-Slavery versions of the occurrences in 
Kansas, he residing in western Missouri. He is a violent Pro-Slavery 
man, and has been engaged in the lawless ini-oads on the Territory 
ever since he has lived in the Missouri border. He was at the sacking 
of Lawrence, and distinguished himself chiefly by riding about on 
a fine horse, he being decorated with ribbons. It would be impossible 
to speak highly of the moral character of a man who has participated 
so actively in the outrages on an intelligent and moral people. He 
has the bearing of a gentleman, but is either the tool of a corrupt 
system, or is a very corrupt man." — "The Conquest of Kansas," Will- 
iam A. Phillips, p. 331. 

There is some question as to whether it was Captain Pate or his 
horse that was decorated with ribbons. Phillips says it was Pate; 
some of the pioneers who saw him at the time say it was the horse; 
others say both horse and man. The ribbons were plundered from 
the Lawrence people, and the incident is of no importance, except to 
show the foppery and vanity of Captain Pate. 



Note 6. — There were some Wyandot Indians in the company of 



THE BATTLE OF BLACK ' JACK 



269 



Captain Pate. They lived in what is now Wyandotte county. Irvin 
P. Long was with Pate at the battle of Black Jack. When the battle 
became desperate, Pate sent him to Missouri to summon Whitfield. 
Long was a brave man, and had served through the Mexican War; 
he was in the regiment conunanded by the late Colonel W. P. Overton, 
of Kansas City, Kansas. 

MacLean, the chief clerk in the office of the Surveyor-General, was 
also in this companj'. He borrowed a rifle from Matthew Mudeater, 
a Wyandot, and during the battle shot at John Brown three times 
v?ith it. He declared that he took deliberate aim, but could not 
kill him. He knew the gun was a good one, for he had used it before. 
He was a good shot, and his failure made him believe that Brown 
was specially protected by God, and miraculously saved from death. 
This rifle was brought from Ohio by Jared Dawson, a Wyandot. 
When I was in the Indian Territory some years ago, I learned these 
facts from the Wyandot Indians. The gun still remained in the 
family of Mr. Mudeater, and his youngest son, Alfred Mudeater, Esq., 
gave it to me to present to the Wyandotte County Historical Society. 
As the Society had no suitable place to preserve the valuable relic, 
I left it in the care of Mrs. Lillian Walker Hale, the gifted writer, 
■who is a Wyandot; she is to retain it until the Society has proper 
facilities for preserving it, when she is to turn it over to the secretary 
or president of the Society. 

MacLean was one of the men who stole away, mounted his horse, 
and fled. His failure to kill John Brown discouraged him; he often 
spoke of this incident in the years that followed. It is not known 
whether he was then in the service of the Surveyor-General or not. 



Note 7. — "The other men were merely taken prisoners of war. One 
of them, however, had come very near getting his quietus. A son of 
Dr. Graham, a boy of about eleven years, seized his father's double- 
barreled gun at the first alarm, and hurried out to the fence, the 
Missourians, who were thus all taken aback, being immediately out- 
side of it. The daring boy, with his Irish blood up, went within 
three rods of them, and, poking his gun over the fence, took delib- 
erate aim at one of the men, and would have fired the next moment, — 
for Bub was not enlightened in the mysterious 'articles of war,' — 
when a Free-State man put aside his gun, and said, 

"'Bub, what are you doing?' 

" 'Going to shoot that fellow.' 



270 



JOHN" BROWN 



" 'You mustn't.' 

"Bub shook his head and began to put up his gun again, muttering, 

" 'He's on pap's horse.' 

"Bub remembered that his 'pap' was then a prisoner in the enemy's 
camp, if not killed, and he felt that important interests were devolv- 
ing on him, and must not be neglected. The names of three of the 
men taken were Forman, Luck, and Hamilton." — "The Conquest of 
Kansas," William A. Phillips, p. 366. 



Note 8. — "About 2 o'clock in the morning they reached a point, 
probably half a mile from Palmyra, and camped. Sometime during 
the night several of Pate's men raided the village, and left it terror- 
stricken. When Brown arrived in the morning he found the people 
shouting and praying to discount a camp-meeting. This disgusted 
his son Salmon, who remembered that he and his party had made 
a forced march in the flight to defend these people, only to find 
them a lot of cowards, who should stop praying and prepare for a 
fight. About 10 o'clock six men were seen to come out of a ravine 
and start for the village. Instantly the shouting ceased, and 'bang! 
bang!' rang out from the houses, and young Brown concluded that 
the people had quit shouting and had gone to shooting at an oppor- 
tune time. Two men laid close to their horses' necks, put spurs and 
got away, but Brown's sons, Salmon and Oliver, brought in the 
other four, one of whom, an unusually large man, was said to be 
very cruel. When he learned that Brown was on his way to inter- 
cept Pate, he ridiculed the idea, and said 1,000 men could not dislodge 
him. 'Well,' replied Brown, 'we will have the fun of trying.' 

"Pate was camped about five miles from Palmyra, and Brown 
knew the two men who escaped would warn him of an intended 
attack. He knew, too, how thoroughly they were armed, drilled and 
intrenched, but hoped to make a night attack. With that idea in 
view, he left Palmyra late Sunday afternoon with thirty men, and 
reached the neighborhood of Black Jack springs after dark. Not 
being acquainted with the vicinity, he was unable to locate Pate, so 
camped on the side of a ridge about half a mile from the springs. 
Just at daylight one of Pate's sentinels fired on him from the top 
of the ridge, and ran for camp, just beyond."— IT'. G. Steel, in 
Portland Oregonian. 

Note 9.—" Brown sent Captain Shore with fifteen men to a 
piece of sloping ground, in full view of Pate, and about 150 yards 



THE BATTLE OF BLACK JACK 



271 



distant, while he ran vrith the remaining force to a point, partly 
sheltered by high grass and a ridge, within seventy-five yards of 
Pate's position in a ravine. Fred Brown was left in charge of the 
horses and camp. Pate's men ran in all directions to get their horses 
in safe quarters, and a deadly fire was poured in on them. A few 
well-directed shots brought them to their senses, and sent them to 
the ravine. Brown had them under a cross-fire, and used his advan- 
tage. Salmon Brown says of it: 'Alongside of me laid a man by 
the name of Carpenter, who would imitate the sound of bullets as 
they passed over his head, then shout to Pate's men to do better 
shooting. They took his advice, for every moment they came a 
little closer. By-and-by Carpenter's right shoulder was exposed, 
when loading his gun, and a bullet struck it. We would load our 
guns lying down, rise above the grass to fire, then fall to the ground 
again. Now and then a man would rush from the ravine to his horse, 
and make a break for Missouri. Our own men continued to find 
more attractive spots elsewhere, until, at noon, there were but seven 
of us left. Before noon Fred became restless, mounted a horse, and 
rode back and forth on the ridge, flourishing his saber, until Pate's 
men, who were unable to hit him, imagined that he held reserves. 
Father finally gave orders to open fire on Pate's horses, which we 
did, killing all of them in just about a minute. This seemed to 
bring Pate to his senses, and to thoroughly discourage his men, who 
realized that their means of retreat to Missouri were cut off. Imme- 
diately afterwards we saw a man coming out of a ravine frantically 
waving a white flag on a ramrod. He proved to be an Englishman 
and a friend of ours whom Pate had captured. Father refused to 
receive his message, but told him to go back and send the captain 
himself. Pate came at once, and commenced to explain that he was 
there to enforce Territorial laws. Father cut him short with the 
expression, "If that is all you have to say, I want an unconditional 
surrender, and I'll have it." Turning to us he said, "Boys, you go 
round to the mouth of the ravine and I will go back with Captain 
Pate." We took a circuitous route, and ran to the ravine as rapidly 
as possible, arriving about as soon as father and Pate. We found 
Lieutenant Brockett, a Virginian, weighing about 180 pounds, in 
charge. He was a regular tiger. He had his men in the form of a 
crescent, with only their heads and shoulders in view, and guns 
drawn on us. Our seven guns were leveled on them at once, with 
the muzzles of the two sides about six or eight feet apart. 



272 



JOHN BEOWN 



" 'Father said to Brockett, "Tell your men to lay down their arms." 
Father looked savage enough, and so did Brockett, who replied, "If 
our captain says so I'll do it, but not by your d — n orders; and I 
don't believe he is d — d coward enough to do it." With that he 
ordered his men to take aim at us. Just at this point my brother 
Oliver, a tall, stout lad of 17, shouted, "Boys, there's a rifle I'm going 
to have," referring to the magnificent one held by Brockett. I 
touched him with my elbow and said, in an undertone, "You had 
better wait until you get it." The instant Brockett gave the order 
to take aim on us, Pate said to his men, "Well, boys, lay down your 
guns a minute until we talk it over." Brockett swore like a pirate 
when the order was given, but his men laid down their arms, keep- 
ing their hands on them, however. Brockett held on to his gun. and, 
as Oliver took hold of it, showed signs of resistance, until I placed 
my six-shooter at his head and said slowly and quietly, "Let go; 
let go," which he did A'ery reluctantly. He resisted in the same 
manner when his sword was taken. This sword is the one exhibited 
at the World's Fair by H. N. Bust, of Pasadena, Cal. It was the 
work of only an instant until their guns were stacked and we had 
absolute possession. They seemed to have no idea of our audacity. 
The moment our possession seemed complete we were startled to see 
a long line of horsemen coming towards us at full gallop and horses 
covered with foam. It looked pretty scaly for a time, but, as we 
prepared for a second attack, we were delighted to discover that 
they were friends. Early in the morning Captain Abbott heard the 
firing, knew that a fight was under way, and started out to secure 
help. About noon he returned with 100 men, but the fight was 
over. ... In casting up our accounts we found we had three 
men shot, nineteen deserted, one detailed to guard camp, and seven 
at the surrender, as follows: Captain John Brown, Owen Brown, 
Oliver Brown, Salmon Brown, Charles Keiser, a Mr. Bondi, and a 
Mr. Hill. Pate had seventeen shot, thirteen deserted, and thirty- 
two captured. During the fight I noticed a puflF of smoke issue from 
a tent, now and then, and I fired into it several times without effect. 
Afterwards I learned that a ministerial friend of ours had been cap- 
tured, securely bound and laid at right angles to us, on the inside 
of tlie tent. A hole was cut in the tent just above him, while behind 
him lay one of Pate's men, shooting at us from this improvised 
breastworks.' "—W. G. Steel, in Portland Oregonian. 

This is an interview with Salmon Brown, who lived at that time 
in Salem, Oregon. 



THE BATTLE OF BLACK JACK 



273 



Note 10. — "As they drew near the line, where Pate's Lieutenant 
Brockett was in command, Brown called upon him also to surrender. 
He hesitated, seeing the great apparent superiority of his force 
over Brown's. Quick as thought. Brown placed his pistol at Pate'a 
head, and cried in a terrible voice, 'Give the order!' The Virginian 
yielded, and bade his men lay down their arms, which they sullenly 
did." — "Life and Letters of John Brown," F. B. Sanborn, p. 300. 



Note 11. — John Brown's account of the battle is as follows: 
"We were out all night, but could find nothing of them until about 
six o'clock next morning, when we prepared to attack them at once, 
leaving Frederick and one of Captain Shore's men to guard the horses. 
As I was much older than Captain Shore, the principal direction of 
the fight devolved on me. We got to within about a mile of their 
camp before being discovered by their scouts, and then moved at a 
brisk pace, Captain Shore and men forming our left and my com- 
pany the right. When within about sixty rods of the enemy, Captain 
Shore's men halted by mistake in a very exposed situation, and con- 
tinued to fire, both his men and the enemy being armed with Sharps' 
rifles. My company had no long-shooters. We (my company) did 
not fire a gun until we gained the rear of a bank, about fifteen or 
twenty rods to the right of the enemy, where we commenced, and 
soon compelled them to hide in a ravine. Captain Shore, after getting 
one man wounded, and exhausting his ammunition, came with part of 
his men to the right of my position, much discouraged. The balance 
of his men, including the one wounded, had left the ground. Five 
of Captain Shore's men came boldly down and joined my company, 
and all but one man (wounded) helped to maintain the fight until 
it was over. I was obliged to give my consent that he should go 
after more help, when all his men left but eight, four of whom I 
persuaded to remain in a secure position, and there busied one of 
them in shooting the horses and mules of the enemy, which served 
for a show of fight. After the firing had continued for some two 
or three hours. Captain Pate with twenty-three men, two badly 
wounded, laid down their arms to nine men, myself included, — four 
of Captain Shore's men and four of my own. One of my men (Henry 
Thompson) was badly wounded, and after continuing his firing for 
an hour longer was obliged to quit the ground. Three others of 
my company (but none of my family) had gone off. Salmon was 
dreadfully wounded by accident, soon after the fight. 
—18 



274 



JOHN BEOWN" 



"I ought to have said that Captain Shore and his men stood their 
ground nobly in their unfortunate but mistaken position during 
the early part of the fight. I ought to say further, that a Captain 
Abbott, being some miles distant with a company, came onward 
promptly to sustain us, but could not reach us till the fight was 
over." — Letter of John Brown to his family, in "Life and Letters 
of John Broivn," F. B. Sanborn, pp. 238, 239. 



Note 12. — Governor Robinson, in an attempt to belittle Brown and 
his services at Black Jack, misstates facts. He says: 

"Pate's company was encountered at Black Jack on the 2d of June 
by about thirty Free-State men, and, after exchanging shots several 
hours from the ravines and tall grass, Pate, seeing Captain Abbott 
with his company approaching to reinforce the Free-State men, 
surrendered. No serious harm was done." — "The Kansas Conflict," 
Charles Robinson, p. 29 4- 

He does not even mention that Captains Brown and Shore were 
present! He attributes the surrender of Pate to the approach of 
Captain Abbott! All the evidence says that Captain Abbott arrived 
after the battle was over and the surrender of Pate and his men 
had taken place. Townsley, whom Governor Eobinson loved to quote 
(in part), says: 

"In the afternoon, after we camped in the woods near Captain 
Shore's, we moved up to Prairie City. We picketed our horses and 
laid down not over one hundred yards from the store. About the 
miadle of the afternoon six of Pate's men came riding into town, 
four of whom we captured and held as prisoners. During the 
afternoon Captain Shore raised a company of about thirty men, and 
in the evening we started in pursuit of Pate. The next morning 
before daylight we obtained information that he was camped at 
Black Jack point, and we moved forward with about twenty-four 
men to attack him. When within a mile of Pate's forces we all 
dismounted, left seven men in charge of the horses, and, with seven- 
teen men, made the attack. In about fifteen minutes we drove them 
into the ravine. The fight continued about three hours, when Pate 
surrendered. About the time we got the captured arms loaded into 
the wagons ready to move. Major Abbott's company came up." 

No one but Governor Robinson has ever attributed the surrender 
of Pate to the approach of Captain Abbott. All the old authorities 
agree on this point. What a pity that Governor Robinson should 
mar a valuable historical work to gratify his grudges and hates 
toward the men who labored with him to make Kansas free! 

Townsley mentions nothing of any help in the capture of the 



THE BATTLE OF BLACK JACK 



275 



four of Pate's party on Sunday, but says they were captured by 
Brown's men. I followed Colonel Phillips, in his The Conquest of 
Kansas. There is a conflict in the evidence, and as the incident was 
unimportant when considered as to who captured them, I did not 
make an exhaustive search for authorities. Mr. Steel, before quoted, 
would seem to agree with Townsley. 



Note 13. — This agreement was signed in duplicate. It is in the 
handwriting of Lieutenant Brockett. Both the original and duplicate 
copies are in the library of the State Historical Society. A copy 
of it may be found in The Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. 
Sanborn, p. 240, note. There is some reference to it in a note on 
page 300 of Mr. Sanborn's work. 

John Brown made a report of this battle to the authorities at 
Lawrence, and the original of this report, in Brown's handwriting, is 
in the Library of the State Historical Society. There is much there 
also, in addition. The old and reliable first works on Kansas affairs, 
the authorities upon whom all historians must to a great degree 
depend, have much concerning the battle of Black Jack. There is 
much also in Mr. Sanborn's book that we have no space to even 
mention. 

Note 14. — "In their investigations they entered the house where 
the press was, but happening to fall in with a case of excellent 
brandy and some wine, they proceeded to help themselves pretty 
freely to these 'anti-abolition' articles. After drinking freely, they 
concluded that no 'abolition' press could be in a place where there 
was so good brandy. In fact, that is one way the border ruffians 
have of judging whether a man is 'sound on the goose.' A person 
who does not drink is voted an 'abolitionist' at once, without further 
testimony; and the presence of liquor, especially good liquor and 
an abundance of it, is considered as a sure symptom, infallibly tend- 
ing to 'law and order.' " — "The Conquest of Kansas," William A. 
Phillips, p. 374. 

Note 15. — The Conquest of Kansas, William A. Phillips, pp. 375, 
376. See also the same work, page 3tj8, for the authority for the 
statement that United States troops demanded submission to the 
bogus laws. 



CHAPTER X. 

WOODSON'S WAR OF EXTERMINATION— 1856. 



"""'"'" Bethink thee, Gordon, 

Our death-feud was not like the household fire, 
Which the poor peasant hides among its embers, 
To smoulder on, and wait a time for waking. 
Ours was the conflagration of the forest. 
Which, in its fury, spares nor sprout nor stem. 
Hoar oak, nor sapling — not to be extinguished. 
Till Heaven, in mercy, sends down all her waters; 
But, once subdued, its flame is quench'd forever; 
And spring shall hide the track of devastation, 
With foliage and with flowers. 

—Sir Walter Scott. 

Some of the emigrant aid societies were founded upon 
the old colonization principle, that money should be made 
in the settlement of a new country. This was not the only 
object of those corporations, but was one of the paramount 
considerations. ilSTot a few New England people refused 
to come to Kansas under their auspices when the plans 
to obtain town lots and other property were made known ; 
they chose rather to endure greater sacrifices, and carry 
to Kansas the true spirit of liberty, which required no hope 
of pecuniary reward, but was moved by right conscience. 
These people came to fight for the liberties they enjoyed 
at home; with them property interests were subordinated. 
If Kansas could not be a free State, property in her bounds 
would be to them of little value, for they could not re- 

(276) 



Woodson's war of extermination 277 

main to foster and to care for it. These people believed in 
defending their lives with weapons; they supposed that 
all law sanctioned defense of wives and babes when the 
blood-stained fangs of wolfish barbarians gnashed at the 
doors of their dwellings. They were not moved to compro- 
mises and subterfuges in the interest of property. They 
expected no dividends except those paid by an approving 
conscience; they believed that when Kansas was once 
free, with slavery blotted from the books of all America, 
industrial and intellectual development such as the world 
had not before witnessed would follow. They did not 
want Kansas a free State with the South, or even what 
is now Colorado and all the West and ]!^orthwest, slave 
States. They believed that Kansas was the field on which 
the question of slavery should be settled — settled finally 
and forever. And they were right.* 

The battle of Black Jack, while insignificant in itself, 
was important in this respect, — it was the first field in 
the Kansas struggle where the free men cast aside the tram- 
mels of property interests and marched out to make war 
upon any and all who came to fight for the establishment 
or maintenance of the institution of slavery. Men have 
only been great as they placed all upon the altar and staked 

• "Mr. Thayer'8 plan was an epitome of Yankee characteristics — thrift, and devo- 
tion to principle. Ho did not propose to win Kansas with hirelings, but to show the 
natural aggressiveness of the Yankue an outlet for his energy at once honorable and 
profitable. And thus, also, the company he proposed was not to be a charitable labor 
entirely, as religious missionary societies mostly are ; but he asked. Why is it worse 
for a company to make money by extending Christianity, or suppressing slavery, than 
by making cotton cloth ? The company which he planned was intended to be an in- 
vestment company, giving and taking advantages with those whom it induced to go to 
Kansas, and incidentally nippling slaveru. . . . While the Aid Company must bo 
credited for something of the high tone of the New England emigrants. It is a common 
error to suppose that these emigrants came to Kansas expecting to win martyrs' 
crowns. I have questioned many of them as to their motives, and the uniform answer 
has been : 'We went to Kansas to bettor our condition, incidentally ejrpecting to make 
it a. free State. We knew we took some risks ; but If we had foreseen the struggles and 
hardships we actually underwent, we never should have gone."' — William H. CarruthU 
"The New Enaland Emigrant Aid Company as an Investment Society," in The Kansas 
Historioai Collection, Vol. VI, p. 90. 



278 JOHN" BROWN 

their very lives in the hazard. If anything at all is re- 
served, it is as fatal to noble purpose as was the hiding of a 
portion to Ananias and Sapphira. Peoples have been 
great only as they had a strong faith in God and were 
actuated by a deep and single motive to live and act up 
to the highest conceptions of His law. All history teaches 
this — in fact, it teaches only this. " In this God's-world, 
with its wild-whirling eddies and mad foam-oceans, where 
men and nations perish as if without law, and judgment 
for an unjust thing is sternly delayed, dost thou think 
there is therefore no justice? It is what the fool hath 
said in his heart. It is what the wise, in all times, were 
wise because they denied, and knew forever not to be. 
I tell thee again, there is nothing else but justice. One 
strong thing I find here below: the just thing, the true 
thing. My friend, if thou hadst all the artillery of Wool- 
wich trundling at thy back in support of an unjust thing; 
and infinite bonfires visibly waiting ahead of thee, to 
blaze centuries long for thy victory on behalf of it, — I 
would advise thee to call halt, and fling down thy baton, 
and say, ' In God's name, IsTo ! ' Thy 'success' ? Poor 
devil, what will thy success amount to ? If the thing 
is unjust, thou hast not succeeded ; no, not though 
bonfires blazed from North to South, and bells rang, 
and editors wrote leading articles, and the just thing 
lay trampled out of sight, to all mortal eyes an 
abolished and annihilated thing. Success ? In a few 
years thou wilt be dead and dark, — all cold, eyeless, 
deaf; no blaze of bonfires, ding-dong of bells or leading 
articles visible or audible to thee again at all forever: 
What kind of success is that! — It is true, all goes by 



Woodson's war of exteeminatiok 279 

approximation in tliis world ; with any not insupportable 
approximation we must be patient. There is a noble Con- 
servatism as well as an ignoble. Would to Heaven, for 
the sake of Conservatism itself, the noble alone were left, 
and the ignoble, by some kind severe hand, were ruthlessly 
lopped away, forbidden evermore to show itself ! For it 
is the right and noble alone that will have victory in this 
struggle ; the rest is wholly an obstruction, a postponement 
and fearful imperilment of the victory. Towards an 
eternal centre of right and nobleness, and of that only, is 
all this confusion tending. We already know whither 
it is all tending; what will have the victory, and what 
will have none ! The Heaviest will reach the center. The 
Heaviest, sinking through complex fluctuating media and 
vortices, has its deflections, its obstructions, nay, at times 
its resiliences, its reboundings; M'hereupon some block- 
head shall be heard jubilating, ' See, your Heaviest as- 
cends ! ' — ^but at all moments it is moving centreward, 
fast as is convenient for it; sinking, sinking; and, by 
laws older than the World, old as the Maker's first Plan of 
the World, it has to arrive there. The dust of controversy, 
what is it but the falsehood flying off from all manner of 
conflicting true forces, and making such a loud dust-whirl- 
wind, — that so the truths alone may remain, and embrace 
brother-like in some true resulting force ! It is ever so. 
Savage fighting Heptarchies: their fighting is an ascer- 
tainment, who has the right to rule over whom; that out 
of such waste-bickering Saxondom a peaceful cooperating 
England may arise. Seek through this Universe ; if with 
other than owl's eyes, thou wilt find nothing nourished 
there, nothing kept in life, but what has right to nourish- 



280 



JOHN BEOWN 



ment and life. The rest, look at it with other than owl's 
eyes, is not living; is all dying, all as good as dead! 
Justice was ordained from the foundations of the world; 
and will last with the world and longer." ^ 

With these old Puritanical doctrines was John Brown 
deeply imbued, — not from Creed-books and Faith-confes- 
sions, but from an absorbing contemplation of righteous- 
ness and the principles of liberty. Great men are the 
result of evolution. First principles of justice and human- 
ity lay hold upon them; they demand that some great 
reform be consummated — be accomplished; for in the 
progress of the world, evil institutions grow to such pro- 
portions as to seriously menace the good. These men 
are allowed to see but one great underlying principle; 
and the strange thing in this world is, that this great 
right-principle has had to be consecrated anew and dyed 
in the blood of those who proclaimed it before it was visi- 
ble to mankind. John Brown was aware of that; it 
nerved his arm and strengthened his heart when making 
what seemed so hopeless and uneven a battle in the scrub- 
bush in the ravines of Black Jack. The United States 
troops might wrest from him the fruits of his victory, and, 
while retaining under the bogus laws the prisoners they 
had, release, arm and set on the path to pillage and arson 
those so lately taken from it by him, but there remained 
the example of resistance to cut-throats; and this example 
was not lost on the free men of Kansas. It marked a 
new era in the struggle for freedom. Kansas men saw 
that those who fought for their rights and the lives of 
wives and children were held in more respect and were 
accorded more protection than those who preached non- 



Woodson's war of extermination 281 

resistance in the interest of property preservation. These 
men had the example of Pomeroy and others, who surren- 
dered Lawrence without even a show of resistance, hoping 
to save the city in a fawning sycophancy and a hypocritical 
pretension that they would in future not fail to render 
allegiance to the bogus laws. These Free-State men, who 
had now resolved to fight for their lives and for their wives 
and children, remembered that all the humility of leaders 
did not save the good people of Lawrence from outrage 
and their fair city from pillage. Free-State men have told 
me with what scorn and contempt Pomeroy and others 
were regarded in New England when the people heard 
that instead of using a cannon donated by them for the 
defense of Lawrence, they had handed it over to the en- 
emy to be used in battering down Free-State institutions ! 
They have also described to me how the same people 
pointed with pride to the first defense of Lawrence, when 
Robinson, Lane and Brown stationed their men like a wall 
to turn back the ruffians; and how they deplored the ab- 
sence of these heroes when the hordes again compassed it, 
bent on its destruction. This first resistance openly made 
in Kansas to the minions of the slave-power and the cur- 
rent issue that the bogus laws must be obeyed, strengthened 
John Brown and encouraged him to still fight and hope. 
It also aroused the Missourians, for it revealed a new phase 
in the conflict. Whitfield, summoned by Long, the courier 
sent by Pate, hastened to the field. He was turned out 
of the Territory by the mild remonstrances of the United 
States military, but sent his men to destroy and plunder 
Osawatomie before he departed. 

Lane had been sent East by the leaders of the Free-State 



282 



JOHN BROWN 



men. He was in Washington for some time in the interest 
of the Topeka Constitution. That instrument was pre- 
sented to the United States Senate by Mr. Cass, on the 
24th of March. Lane traveled extensively over the East- 
ern States, speaking to the people and describing the true 
conditions in Kansas. In this work he arrived in Chicago 
on the 31st of May, 1856; his speech here was one of the 
greatest ever delivered in behalf of Kansas, and was fol- 
lowed by a remarkable demonstration in favor of the pa- 
triots who were struggling for freedom. In all his ad- 
dresses Lane urged people to go to Kansas, and largely to 
his efforts was due the remarkable inmiigration that poured 
into the Territory in the summer and fall of that year. 
Many of these were known as " Lane's Army of the 
North," and in the succeeding years did valiant service 
in the cause of liberty. 

Governor Robinson had been ordered East also, but 
being delayed by affairs demanding his attention in the 
interest of the Free-State people, he could not leave the 
Territory before the closing of the Missouri river to the 
people opposed to slavery. He was arrested by ruffians 
and returned to Kansas, and her people lost his valuable 
services for some four months while he was closely guarded 
and held prisoner under a charge of high treason. 

John Brown remained in the vicinity of Osawatomie. 
He was at Topeka when the Free-State Legislature was 
dispersed, and no doubt he believed that the United States 
troops should be resisted when they interfered with mat- 
ters which did not concern their true functions. And it 
is probable that he would have made such resistance at 
Topeka if he had but been in command of a sufficient 



Woodson's war of extermination 283 

force. He returned to the Pottawatomie and raised a com- 
panj of Free-State men for the defense of the settlers and 
for striking a blow at slavery if occasion favored. The 
"Articles of Enlistment and By-Laws" of this company 
are preserved, and reveal to us the spirit in which all 
of John Brown's warfare against slavery was made: 

" Kansas Territory, A. D. 1856. 
" 1. The Covenant. 
" We whose names are found on these and the next 
following pages do hereby enlist ourselves to serve in the 
Free-State cause under John Brown as Commander; 
during the full period of time affixed to our names re- 
spectively, and we severally pledge our word and sacred 
honor to said Commander; and to each other, that during 
the time for which we have enlisted we will faithfully 
and punctually perform our duty (in such capacity or 
place as may be assigned to us by a majority of all the 
votes of those associated with us: or of the companies to 
which we may belong as the case may be) as a regular 
volunteer force for the maintenance of the rights & liber- 
ties of the Free-State citizens of Kansas : and we further 
agree ; that as individuals we will conform to the hy Laws 
of this Organization & that we will insist on their regular 
& punctual enforcement as a first & last duty: and in 
short that we will observe & maintain a strict & thorough 
Military discipline at all times until our term of service 
expires." 

To this Covenant are subscribed the names of thirty- 
five men, with the dates of their enlistment; these dates 
extend from August 22 to September 16. Among these 
men were many that were leading citizens of the State 
for a quarter of a century after its admission. Many of 
the by-laws are quaint and odd, but they show that moral- 
ity was considered a part of "thorough Military disci- 



284 JOHN BKOWN 

pline." And the company was a democracy; its internal 
affairs were regulated and determined by vote, and offend- 
ers were to have trial "by a jury of Twelve." Article 
XIV provided that, "All uncivil, un gentlemanly, profane, 
vulgar talk or conversation shall be discountenanced." 
It is followed by another declaring that, "All acts of petty 
theft needless waste of property of the members or of 
Citizens is hereby declared disorderly: together with all 
uncivil, or unkind treatment of Citizens or of prisoners." 
Humane treatment of prisoners was made obligatory: 
" No person after having first surrendered himself a pris- 
oner shall be put to death: or subjected to corporeal pun- 
ishment, without first having had the benefit of an impar- 
tial trial." The use of liquor was prohibited : " The ordi- 
nary use or introduction into camp of any intoxicating 
liquor, as a beverage: is hereby declared disorderly." ^ 

The organization of this company was after his return 
from Nebraska with Lane's Army of the ISTorth. Soon 
after the Legislature was dispersed, Brown took his son- 
in-law, Thompson, who was wounded at Black Jack, to 
Iowa to remain with friends there until he recovered. All 
Kansas waited for the coming of Lane's Army ; the people 
saw their hope of deliverance in the patriotic army moving 
slowly through Iowa to pass into Kansas to fight for free- 
dom. Brown was anxious to welcome this host of liberty- 
loving people. We shall get a view of him as he passed 
along. 

Among the good men in Kansas in those days was 
Samuel J. Reader. He lived then near Indianola, in 
Shawnee county, a town which disappeared long since. 
Mr. Reader still resides near the old townsite, and is one of 



Woodson's war of extermination 285 

the most respected citizens of the State, a man of great 
intelligence, and proficient in stenography and drawing. 
He kept a journal through all the Territorial period, and 
this record is one of the most valuable within mj knowl- 
edge. I have been accorded the privilege of examining 
it, and I make a few extracts from it: 

" Tuesday Morning, July 29th. — I had been sleeping 
in the stable loft, with a double-barreled shotgun at my 
side, guarding our team from predatory lovers of horse- 
flesh. When I returned to the house in the morning, I 
was told that 'Kickapoo Stephens' had been there a few 
minutes before, to notify us that a party of Free-State 
men were at the house of Mr. Touts, in Kansopolis — about 
two miles east, or northeast, of where we lived. The ob- 
ject of the party was to march north to the Nebraska line, 
with the expectation of meeting and escorting into Kansas 
a Free-State emigrant train, and guard it from possible 
molestation by the 'Kickapoo Rangers' — a most lawless 
and bloodthirsty band of border ruffians. It was also 
reported that Jim Lane was coming with the train; and 
that he had expressed the wish to have some of the genuine 
'Kansas boys' with him when he crossed the line, into our 
Territory. . . . There was but a single baggage 
wagon. A very tall young man seemed to have charge 
of it. Some of the boys were calling him 'Handsome 
Hunter.' But Hunter seemed to take it all in good part, 
and talked back to them, in a drawling, good-natured 
tone of voice. 'Captain Whipple' was a name I heard 
more frequently than any other. I was not long in finding 
out who was the owner of that cognomen. He was a 
large, burly man ; about six feet tall, good-sized head and 
face, short neck, deep-chested ; arms and shoulders full 
and muscular ; and would certainly pull down the scale 
at 200 pounds. His countenance was pleasant, but firm. 
He had a way of compressing his lips while speaking, 



286 



JOHN BROWN 



that seemed a little peculiar. He wore no beard. Com- 
plexion clear and fresh; ejes dark gray, and not large; 
dark-brown hair ; large, straight nose, and correspondingly 
large jaw and chin. At first I thought him a trifle too fat; 
but when I afterwards saw him walk, I discovered that 
what I had taken for adipose tissue was simply hrawn. He 
wore a gray cloth cap on his head, while a summer vest 
partly concealed his cotton shirt. About his waist was 
buckled a dress sword; and on his shoulder he carried — 
not a Sharps' rifle — but a double-barreled shotgun. This 
was Captain Whipple as I first saw him.^ 

" There was a small party of mounted men. One was 
our guide — Dr. Root. He was a large, fleshy man ; jolly, 
and affable. Another was Captain Sam Walker, of Law- 
rence. He seemed to have command of the mounted men. 
His face was stolid and determined — the very opposite of 
Dr. Root's. Capt. Mitchell rode with his party, although 
he commanded none of the infantry companies. 

" Camp on Pony Creek, K. T., Sunday, August 3d, 
1856. — When I stepped up the opposite bank, I came face 
to face with two men. They had a covered wagon, drawn 
by a single yoke of oxen. One was a young man, some- 
what above the ordinary height ; the other, quite old. Both 
were walking, and both were dusty, and travel-stained. The 
team was stopped, and the old man inquired of me: 'Do 
you belong to a Free-State party, in camp near by ?' I re- 
plied that I did. 'Where is your camp V I pointed in its 
direction, and told him how he could find it. I was about 
to continue on my way, when he detained me, by remark- 
ing: 'Your coming has caused a good deal of excitement 
among the Pro-Slavery men living on the road.' I said 
nothing, and he continued: 'They didn't mind talking 
with us about it, as we are surveyors.' He motioned with 
his hand toward the wagon. I looked, and noticed for the 
first time a surveyor's chain hanging partly over the front 
end-board of the wagon. Just behind was a compass and 



Woodson's wak of extermination 287 

tripod, standing up, under the wagon cover. It struck me 
that he might possibly be Pro-Slavery himself, but for- 
tunately I gave no outward expression to the thought. He 
was talkative — almost garrulous. I answered his direct 
questions, but ventured to make no remarks myself. I had 
been cautioned, only a day or two before, to be very care- 
ful what I said to men living along our line of march. 
The ox team naturally led me to suppose that these men 
were settlers in the immediate neighborhood. 'Where do 
you live ?' he asked. 'Indianola.' 'O yes ! I know. It is 
a hard place, and has got a very bad reputation. I have 
heard of it.' I ventured no reply. 'Have you ever been 
in a fight ?' he next inquired. 'No.' 'Well,' he continued, 
'you may possibly see some fighting, soon.' I was silent, 
but all attention. 'If you ever do get in a battle, always 
remember to aim low. You will be apt to over-shoot at 
first.' I told him I would remember, and perhaps I 
smiled a little, for he added : 'Maybe you think me a 
little free in offering advice; but I am somewhat older 
than you, and that ought to be taken in account.' He said 
this gravely and pleasantly. The younger man, behind 
him, was looking at me, with a broad grin on his face. 
I was a little puzzled. The old man continued in pretty 
much the same strain, for some time longer; but I find 
it impossible to recollect it with any degree of accuracy. 
The young man had not a word to say, but seemed vastly 
amused at something. We separated. They forded the 
creek, and went in the direction of camp, while I con- 
tinued my hunt. I shot nothing, and soon returned. I 
met one of our boys, and told him I had seen an old man 
inquiring the way to camp. 'Yes, — and do you know who 
it was V I told him that I did not. 'Well,' he continued^ 
'that was old John Brown ; we are to break camp, and 
move farther on.' My delight and astonishment were 
about equal. Even at that early date, John Brown was a 
verv noted man, and was trusted and esteemed by all who 
held anti-slavery views. I felt it an honor and a pleasure 



288 



JOHN BROWN 



to have seen and conversed witii so prominent a leader. 
One thing, however, has always puzzled me: why should 
the old man have spent any of his time talking to a youth, 
and a perfect stranger ? It is possible, my being a resident 
of Indianola excited his interest, as he might have con- 
sidered an armed Free-State man from such a noted 'Pro- 
Slavery hole' an anomaly and a curiosity. But whatever 
his motive, I shall always remember this little episode 
with pride and pleasure. 

'' Between three and four o'clock we formed in march- 
ing column, and started forward at a swinging pace. We 
were all well rested, and a little tired of staying in camp. 
We had been on the road perhaps an hour or more, when 
some one in front shouted, 'There he is !' Sure enough, 
it was Bro^vQ. Just ahead of us we saw the dingy old 
wagon-cover, and the two men, and the oxen, plodding 
slowly onward. Our step was increased to 'quick time' ; 
and as we passed the old man, on either side of the road, 
we rent the air with cheers. If John Brown ever de- 
lighted in the praises of men, his pleasure must have been 
gratified, as he walked along, enveloped in our shouting 
column. But I fear he looked upon such things as vain- 
glorious, for if he responded by word or act, I failed to 
see or hear it. In passing I looked at him closely. He 
was rather tall, and lean, with a tanned, weather-beaten 
aspect in generaL He looked like a rough, hard-working 
old farmer; and I had known several such, who pretty 
closely resembled Brown in many respects. He appeared 
to be unarmed ; but very likely had shooting-irons inside 
the wagon. His face was shaven, and he wore a cotton 
shirt, partly covered by a vest. His hat was well worn, 
and his general appearance, dilapidated, dusty, and soiled. 
He turned from his ox team and glanced at our party from 
time to time as we were passing him. 'No doubt it was a 
pleasing sight to him to see men in armed opposition to 
the Slave-Power. None of us were probably aware that 
John Brown's most ardent wish was for a sectional war 



WOODSON S WAK OF EXTERMINATION 

between the l^orth and the South — that slavery might 
die. We supposed his only aim — like our own — was to 
make Kansas a free State. We proposed to lop one limb 
only from the deadly 'Upas tree' — he would lay the ax 
at the root. 

" We made no pause in our march, and rapidly left 
John Brown and his outfit in our rear. At the top of 
the next ridge I glanced backward, and looked again at 
that homely, humble figure, following in our wake at a 
snail's pace. What man among us could then have pre- 
dicted that in a little more than three years he would 
shake this American republic from center to circumfer- 
ence ? 

" Nemaha Falls, K T., Monday, August 4th, 1856. — 
I was loitering about camp, when I heard some one cry out, 
'Here comes Brown!' I ran to the road with the rest of 
the men, and saw a horseman coming from the south. It 
was he. Where he got his horse, I never learned. Very 
likely he had borrowed the animal from some Free-State 
settler in the neighborhood. Several of our men stepped 
out into the road, and hailed the old man. He stopped 
immediately, and seemed very willing to talk. I think 
our principal spokesman was W^ilmarth. 'Do you find a 
great deal of surveying to do?' he inquired of Brown. 
'Yes, now and then I pick up a job,' replied the old man, 
with a perfectly grave face. W^e scanned him closely. 
His appearance was anything but military. He looked 
round-shouldered and awkward as he sat on his horse ; and 
his resemblance to an old farmer, that one can see almost 
any day, was more striking than ever. 'Do you survey 
for Government V was the next question. 'No. I am not 
exactly in that line. My surveying is strictly for private 
parties.' I watched him closely as he said this. There 
was not the vestige of a smile, and the tone of his voice 
seemed to indicate 'the words of truth and soberness.' 
He could hardly have failed seeing our scarcely concealed 
merriment; but his own face was long as the moral law. 
—19 



290 



JOHN BEOWN 



Our spokesman was equally grave, and plied Brown with 
many and various questions, but utterly failed in getting 
the old man to admit his object in coming, or even his 
own identity. Judging from this conversation, my im- 
pression is that when he visited our camp the day before 
he had not openly announced himself as Old Osawatomie 
Brown, but had been recognized by some of our men who 
had seen him before. Brown waited patiently until the 
questioner was through, and then continued his journey 
north. Of course he knew that we were not ignorant of 
who he was; but from policy or force of habit, chose to 
assume the appearance of a stranger. At the time, I 
supposed be was indulging in a bit of dry humor. But 
after-events have proved that even at this time his gray 
head was teeming with revolutionary schemes, that would 
have fairly taken our breath away had he divulged them 
to us. 'The pear was not ripe.' 

" Nemaha, K'ebeaska Teeritoey, Thursday, August 
Yth, 1856. — It was a nice, warm morning, and we were 
astir at an early hour. We answered to roll-call, and 
were about ready to start, when Col. Dickey came over to 
us and read a paper of instructions from his superiors. 
There it was in black and white, that armed men should 
not escort the train when it crossed the line into Kansas. 
Some heated discussion followed. Dickey urged us to put 
our arms in the wagons, and as soon as we were across 
the line we could take them back again. Other men 
joined the Colonel, and expostulated with our obdurate 
commander. But it availed nothing. Captain ^Tiipple 
was standing a few feet in front of our line, and not 
three paces from where I stood. A horseman rode up in 
front of him. I looked up. It was Old Osawatomie 
Brown. He addressed himself earnestly to Whipple. 

" ' Do as they wish. This train is to enter Kansas 
as a peaceable emigrant train. It will never do to have 
it escorted by armed men. As soon as we are across the 
line, there will be no objection to your retaking your 



Woodson's war of exteemination 291 

arms. Let us all stay together. Your services may be 
needed.' 

" He said considerably more to the same effect. Capt. 
Whipple said but little in reply. He was striking the 
ground at his feet with the point of his sword, during 
most of the conversation. He looked obstinate, and sul- 
len — something like a big school-boy when taken to task 
by his teacher. 

" ' Perhaps,' added Brown, 'you don't know me ; you 
don't know who I am ?' 

" ' Yes, I do,' exclaimed Whipple ; ' I know who you 
are, well enough; but all the same, we are not going to 
part with our arms. We came armed, and we're going 
back armed.' 

" I was somewhat surprised to learn by this conversation 
that Brown and Whipple were strangers to each other. 
Almost within reach of my arm, stood and spoke to one 
another for the first time these two self-sacrificing martyrs, 
whose futures were so tragically blended together, — John 
Brown, and Aaron Dwight Stevens. Both to battle 
bravely and hopelessly; both to be stricken down with 
seemingly mortal wounds, and both to perish on the Slave- 
holder's scaffold. Brown saw that further entreaty would 
be useless. He turned, and rode away. It was the last 
time I ever saw ' Old John Brown of Osawatomie.' " 

Lane and Brown left the Army of the !N'orth and came 
in advance to make arrangements for the beginning of an 
aggressive campaign for the recovery of the ground lost 
in the campaign against Kansas Free-State men relent- 
lessly prosecuted by the " Law and Order" party in the 
Territory and Missouri since the early spring. Lane had 
not seen Kansas since March. He had made a brilliant 
campaign in the Northern and Eastern States in the in- 
terest of Kansas. He had largely contributed in this way 



292 



JOHN BEOWN 



to the assembling of the army which was marching into 
Kansas to seek for homes, and who were determined that 
these homes should bo in a free State. The coming of 
Lane's army carried dismay to the Missourians. On the 
16th of August their leaders issued a call to arms which 
showed their anxiety and apprehension: 

" To THE Public : It has been our duty to keep cor- 
rectly and fully advised of the movements of the Aboli- 
tionists. We know that since Lane commenced his march 
the Abolitionists in the Territory have been engaged in 
stealing horses to mount his men, and in organizing and 
preparing immediately on their arrival to carry out their 
avowed purpose of expelling or exterminating every pro- 
slavery settler. We have seen them daily become more 
daring as Lane's party advanced. We have endeavored to 
jirepare our friends to the end, which was foreseen, and 
which we now have to announce — Lane's men have ak- 
KivED ! — Civil war has begun ! " 

After the sacking of Osawatomie the Georgians near 
that town became bold, and their thieving and plundering 
became unbearable. A small force of Free-State men 
assembled and attacked them. Although in a fortified 
camp, and out-numbering their assailants, they were 
routed and fled to Fort Saunders, several miles south- 
west of Lawrence. Here Buford's Colonel Treadwell was 
in command, and it was one of the most dangerous and 
troublesome posts held by the rufiians. Major D. S. Hoyt, 
of Lawrence, desired to obtain information which would 
enable the Free-State men to make a successful attack 
upon this point. It was a dangerous undertaking, and he 
was urged to relinquish his desigTi ; but he was a brave 
man, and believed he could safely accomplish it. Some 



Woodson's wak of extermination 293 

accounts say he carried a flag of truce. Jolin Armstrong, 
Esq., of Topeka, whose account of this affair I have fol- 
lowed, assures me that he stopped at the fort, pretending 
that he was going to attend to some business in the little 
town of Marion, four miles beyond. He believed that no 
one would recognize him, and went into the fort and asked 
for a drink of water. After looking the fort over thor- 
oughly he departed. There was a man there who had 
worked on the ferry at Lawrence ; he recognized Hoyt at 
once, and when he was gone he gave it as his opinion that 
he was a spy and should be shot. Two men were detailed 
to do this. They followed Hoyt, and came up with him 
about a mile and a half on his way to Marion. They shot 
him, and after burning his face with some corrosive sub- 
stance, buried him near the road. According to all rules 
of war, Hoyt had forfeited his life the moment he entered 
the fort in the capacity of a spy, but his death justly en- 
raged the Free-State men, and they determined to attack 
the Buford camp at Franklin.* The assault was made on 
the evening of the 12th of August, and was directed by 
Lane; it was successful, and so panic-stricken became the 
ruffians that they abandoned a portion of their whisky 
in their flight. In the annals of Kansas the abandonment 
of whisky always denotes extreme and desperate demor- 
alization in the ruffian ranks. A cannon was secured. 

Lane established a camp three miles from Fort Saun- 
ders. As soon as the Chicago party arrived at Topeka, 
which was on the 13th of August, he ordered them to 
this camp, where they arrived at 2 o'clock on the morning 
of the 14th. In the forenoon of this day the body of 
Major Hoyt was found, and preparations were made to 



294 



JOHN BROWN 



advance upon the fort. The Free-State men arrived there 
at 2 o'clock in the afternoon, but the enemy had fled; 
they left much plunder and some muskets and ammuni- 
tion; the Free-State men burned the fort. On the 16th 
Fort Titus, near Lecompton, was attacked by the Free- 
State men, and the garrison captured. The gun captured 
at Franklin had been supplied with ammunition by gather- 
ing up the type of the Herald of Freedom scattered about 
the streets at the sacking of Lawrence, and casting it into 
balls. It was used with great effect upon Fort Titus, and 
its reverberations so terrorized Governor Shannon that 
he fled from Lecompton, and was found embarking upon 
a mud-scow to cross the Kaw and escape in the jungles 
of the north bottoms. 

On the following day Governor Shannon came to Law- 
rence to conclude a peace in the interest of his ruffian 
friends. The whole summer's harrying of the Free-State 
settlers had not appealed to him, but after a few defeats 
administered by these same settlers to his cut-throats he 
came to plead their cause, and try to retrieve by treaty 
what they had lost in battle. The treaty was concluded, 
and prisoners exchanged. But this was not satisfactory 
to the Missourians who had appealed to the people along 
the border to gather for an invasion of the Territory. 
Shannon saw that it would be impossible for him to make 
any excuse to these when they arrived that would be satis- 
factory. The Kansas question had entered the campaign 
for the Presidency. It was plainly seen by Pierce and Bu- 
chanan that if the Territory were not speedily quieted 
Pennsylvania would vote against the Democratic candidate. 
Shannon was ordered to accomplish this, and the storm of 



Woodson's wak of extermination 295 

civil war wliich he saw ahead of him rendered him impo- 
tent; he resigned his office, and fled from the Territory to 
escape assassination at the hands of his hopeful constit- 
uency of " Law and Order" party people. The executive 
authority now fell into the hands of Secretary Woodson. 
He was the willing tool of the ruffians; they could not 
make any request too brutal for him to refuse. It was 
determined to make clean work of the Free-State settlers 
in Kansas before the new Governor could arrive and un- 
dertake the pacification of the Territory. Atchison, 
Stringfellow and other Missourians gathered men for an 
invasion which was to be governed in its object by the 
motto, " Let the watchword be 'extermination, total and 
complete.' " About a thousand men were gathered at 
Little Santa Fe, in Missouri, and from this point moved 
into the Territory in the direction of Osawatomie. They 
sent a detachment of some three hundred and fifty men 
against this town; it arrived on the morning of August 
30th. 

The battle here was lost by the Free-State men, who 
were commanded by John Brown, but the defense of the 
town was so heroic that from that day he was known as 
Osawatomie Brown. The best account of the battle is 
his own report : ^ 

" Early in the morning of the 30th of August the 
enemy's scouts approached to within one mile and a half 
of the western boundary of the town of Osawatomie. At 
this place my son Frederick (who was not attached to my 
force) had lodged, with some four other young men from 
Lawrence, and a young man named Garrison, from Middle 
creek. The scouts, led by a Pro-Slavery preacher named 
White, shot my son dead in the road, while he — as I have 



296 



JOHN BEOWN 



since ascertained — supposed them to be friendly. At the 
same time they butchered Mr. Garrison, and badly man- 
gled one of the young men from Lawrence, who came with 
my son, leaving him for dead. This was not far from sun- 
rise. I had stopped during the night about two and one- 
half miles from them, and nearly one mile from Osawato- 
mie. I had no organized force, but only some twelve or 
fifteen new recruits, who were ordered to leave their prep- 
arations for breakfast and follow me into the town, as soon 
as this news was brought me. 

"As I had no means of learning correctly the force of 
the enemy, I placed twelve of the recruits in a log house, 
hoping we might be able to defend the town. I then gath- 
ered some fifteen more men together, whom we armed with 
guns ; and we started in the direction of the enemy. After 
going a few rods we could see them approaching the town 
in line of battle, about half a mile off, upon a hill west 
of the village. I then gave up all idea of doing more than 
to annoy [them], from the timber near the town, into 
which we were all retreated, and which was filled with a 
thick growth of underbrush ; but I had no time to recall the 
twelve men in the log house, and so we lost their assistance 
in the fight. At the point above named I met with Captain 
Cline, a very active young man, who had with him some 
twelve or fifteen mounted men, and persuaded him to 
go with us into the timber, on the southern shore of the 
Osage, or Marais des Cygnes, a little to the northwest 
from the village. Here the men, numbering not more 
than thirty in all, were directed to scatter and secrete 
themselves as well as they could, and await the approach 
of the enemy. This was done in full view of them (who 
must have seen the whole movement), and had to be done 
in the utmost haste. I believe Captain Cline and some of 
his men were not even dismounted in the fight, but cannot 
assert positively. When the left wing of the enemy had 
approached to within common rifle-shot, we commenced 



WOODSON S WAR OF EXTERMINATION 



297 



firing, and very soon threw the northern branch of the 
enemy's line into disorder. This continued some fifteen 
or twenty minutes, which gave us an uncommon oppor- 
tunity to annoy them. Captain Cline and his men soon 
got out of ammunition, and retired across the river. 

"After the enemy rallied we kept up our fire, until, 
by the leaving of one and another, we had but six or 
seven left. We then retired across the river. We had 
cne man killed — a Mr. Powers, from Captain Cline's com- 
pany — in the fight. One of my men, a Mr. Partridge, was 
shot in crossing the river. Two or three of the party who 
took part in the fight are yet missing, and may be lost or 
taken prisoners. Two were wounded ; namely, Dr. Upde- 
graff and a Mr. Colli s. I cannot speak in too high terms 
of them, and of many others I have not now time to 
mention. 

" One of my best men, together with myself, was struck 
by a partially spent ball from the enemy, in the commence- 
ment of the fight, but we were only bruised. The loss I 
refer to is one of my missing men. The loss of the enemy, 
as we learn by the different statements of our own as 
well as their people, was some thirty-one or two killed, 
and from forty to fifty wounded. After burning the town 
to ashes and killing a Mr. Williams they had taken, whom 
neither party claimed, they took a hasty leave, carrying 
their dead and wounded with them. They did not attempt 
to cross the river, nor to search for us, and have not since 
returned to look over their work." ^ 

The Missourians returned to their encampment. Lane 
sent a force of about one hundred and fifty men against 
this camp. After exchanging a few shots with their assail- 
ants the forces under Atchison and others returned in 
great haste to Missouri. But they did not remain there 
long. Woodson issued a proclamation declaring the Ter- 



298 



JOHN BEOWN 



ritorj in a state of insurrection, and calling out all the 
Territorial militia, — which was in fact an invitation to the 
ruffians to invade Kansas and complete the "extermina- 
tion" of settlers opposed to slavery. Governor Geary was 
hurrying to the Territory, and found companies on their 
way in obedience to these calls ; one company embarked 
on the Governor's boat, at Glasgow, Mo., and carried a 
brass cannon. On his way from Leavenworth to Lecomp- 
ton he detected a member of the bogus Legislature in the 
act of plundering Free-State men, and this hopeful legis- 
lator advanced upon the Governor's party with the in- 
tention of robbing it, and was only deterred by the ap- 
pearance of a wagon in the distance.'^ 

The invasion of Kansas progressed as favorably as the 
Pro-Slavery leaders could expect. By the 15th of Sep- 
tember there were twenty-seven hundred men surround- 
ing Lawrence, under the command of Atchison, String- 
fellow, Reid, and others. The number of volunteers the 
Free-State men were able to assemble to oppose this army 
of invasion did not exceed three hundred. Brown was 
offered the command of these, but declined. He preferred 
to fight in the ranks. But he was looked upon as the 
most capable military man present, and the people relied 
upon him for their safety should they be attacked. Brown 
assembled them one afternoon and addressed them as fol- 
lows: 

"Gentlemen: It is said there are twenty-five hundred 
Missourians down at Franklin, and that they will be here 
in two hours. You can see for yourselves the smoke they 
are making by setting fire to the houses in that town. ISTow 
is probably the last opportunity you will have of seeing 



Woodson's wak of extermination 299 

a figlit, so you had better do your best. If tliey should 
come up and attack us, don't yell and make a great noise, 
but remain perfectly silent and still. Wait till they get 
within twenty-five yards of you; get a good object; be 
sure you see the hind sight of your gun, — then fire. A 
great deal of powder and lead and very precious time is 
wasted by shooting too high. You had better aim at 
their legs than at their heads. In either case be sure 
of the hind sights of your guns. It is from the neglect 
of this that I myself have so many times escaped; for if 
all the bullets that have been aimed at me had hit, I 
should have been as full of holes as a riddle." ^ 

Sounder and more patriotic advice was never given 
a little band gathered to battle for their homes. But 
Governor Geary succeeded in turning back these barba- 
rous invaders before they could attack Lawrence. He 
called to his assistance the United States troops and 
marched to the camp of the Missourians, where he met 
their leaders. After much grumbling, swearing, threat- 
ening, and disorderly wrangling, they held a meeting to 
devise some excuse to present to their sodden followers 
for turning back. After resolving that they had come 
to drive out Lane and his hireling army, they reached 
the core of the controversy in the following preamble: 
" Whereas, we have here met and conferred with Gov- 
ernor Geary, who has arrived in the Territory since we 
were here called, ancZ ivho has given us satisfactory evidence 
of his intention and power to execute the laws of the Terri- 
tory." They returned to Missouri, but their routes were 
marked with burning homes, plundered farms, and mur- 
dered citizens. 

So ended the campaign of the Pro-Slavery party of 



300 



JOHN BROWN" 



Kansas and Missouri in 1856 for the enforcement of the 
bogus laws. Had not political conditions in the East 
demanded its suppression, the Administration would have 
assisted it to a successful termination. When the hordes 
rolled back across the border their opportunity to crush 
Kansas was forever gone ; it was never again in their 
power to stifle liberty. While many an outrage was yet 
to be perpetrated upon the Free-State men, freedom was 
assured when the congregated barbarians turned from 
the walls of the noble town of Lawrence, whose people 
were so patriotic and liberty-loving that nothing could sub- 
due or overcome them. 

Had not John Brown and his faithful followers lurked 
in thicket and swamp, like the great guerrilla, Marion, of 
South Carolina, ready to defend a home or settlement 
here, and attack a band of murderers there, it is uncertain 
whether the result could have been attained in this time. 
The people of Kansas honor the memory of the old hero 
who without money and without price, at the peril of his 
life and the sacrifice of his son, alone of the leaders of 
the people, ranged the land and entreated the harried and 
discouraged settlers to continue the fight for freedom till 
help should come, and who exhorted them to charge 
" Once more unto the breach, dear friends, once more." 

His fame was great. Pottawatomie and Osawatomie were 
talked of in every ruffian camp, and the terror of the name 
of Old John Brown increased all along the border. He 
believed himself raised up of God to break the jaws of 
the wicked. He cared no more for political policy than 
for personal abuse or the laudations of men. He gave no 



Woodson's war of extermination 301 

account to man of his actions. He sought no counsel in 
the assemblies of men ; he cared nothing for their praises 
or condemnations. He held himself accountable to God 
alone, and as he understood His will he tried to execute 
it. He cared nothing for law when it stood in the way of 
right and humanity. He was a revolutionist as were the 
fathers of 1776. He was the oracle of the doctrine enun- 
ciated in the Declaration of Independence. He believed 
it agreed perfectly with the Sermon on the Mount, and 
he believed that it were better that his generation perish 
than that a syllable of either should fail. Only such men 
are truly great 



Note 1. — Carlyle's Past and Present. 



Note 2. — The Covenant, list of names and by-laws are given in the 
Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, pp. 287, 288, 289, 290. 

Note 3. — "There would be no advantage in my making anything of 
a mystery about this man. His real name was Aaron Dwight Stevens. 
A few months before this time, he was serving as a bugler in Col. 
Sumner's regiment of U. S. Dragoons. Being greatly provoked, he 
struck an officer. A court-martial condemned him to be shot. The 
sentence was commuted to three years' imprisonment. He escaped 
in the spring of 1856. Came to Topeka as Chas. Whipple, and was 
elected Captain of a Free-State company there. Was afterwards 
promoted Colonel of the Second Regiment, and commanded under 
Lane at Hickory Point, Sept. 13, 1856. In 1859 he went to Harper's 
Ferry with old John Brown — being third in command. On the 
night of October 16 they captured the U. S. armory at that place; 
and in the fight, the next day, Stevens was shot down on the street 
while bearing a flag of truce. His wounds were supposed to be 
mortal; but he recovered, and was executed March 2d, 1860." — 
Reader's Journal. 



Note 4. — This differs materially from the accepted version of the 



302 



JOHN BEOWN 



death of Major Hoyt. I was given this account by John Armstrong, 
Esq., of Topeka. Mr. Armstrong was one of the very first settlers 
in Douglas county; he was a member of the Lawrence "Stubbs," 
(a Free-State military company,) and was one of the men who 
searched for and found the shallow grave of Major Hoyt. He knew 
Hoyt well, and was evidently informed of every movement under- 
taken or to be undertaken against the camps of Buford. He says 
that this is the true account of the matter. I have greatly con- 
densed his account. Mr. Armstrong was one of the founders of the 
city of Topeka. 

"The following is copied from an article on David Starr Hoyt, 
written by William B. Parsons, and published in the Kansas Magazine 
of July, 1872— Vol. II, p. 45: 

" 'After a few weeks, Hoyt returned to Lawrence, and entered 
heart and soul into the stirring events which followed. In June 
he went with a white flag into a Border-Ruffian fort in the south 
part of Douglas county, known as Fort Saunders, and while return- 
ing, still under the protection of the flag, was basely murdered by 
the men with whom he had been treating. Such was the boasted 
"chivalry." 

" 'Hoyt was among the earliest and bravest of the Kansas martyrs. 
He left his home with the impression fastened in his mind that he 
should be called upon to give up his life somewhere on the Kansas 
prairies, and the thought never quickened his pulse, or produced 
the quiver of a muscle.' " — "Annals of Kansas," D. W. Wilder, p. 101, 
edition of 1815. 

Mr. Parsons is in error as to the time. He says it was in the 
month of June that he was killed. It was in Ausrust. 



Note 5. — One of the first settlers of Osawatomie was O. C. Brown. 
He was not related to John Brown. He was a prominent Free-State 
man, and stood high in the councils of the Free-State party. He 
was given the name "Osawatomie," and for some time was known 
as "Osawatomie Brown." He disappeared for a time from the Kansas 
conflict. As John Brown was the most noted man in that region, those 
not knowing the difi"erent Browns called him "Osawatomie" Brown. 
When his fame spread through all the land he came to be everywhere 
known as "Osawatomie Brown," or "Old Osawatomie Brown," and 
often as "Old John Brown of Osawatomie." The Pro-Slavery Missou- 
rians almost always called him "Old Brown" or "Old Osawatomie 
Brown." In Butler's Book he is called "Pottawatomie Brown." 



Woodson's wab of extermination 303 

Note 6. — John Brown, in Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. 
Sanborn, p. 318. 

Note 7. — "The Governor and party crossed the Stranger river 
about noon, thirteen miles from Leavenworth, at a place called 
Alexandria. This town consists of two houses, used as a postoffice 
and stores. Several whisky-barrels, with their heads broken in, lay 
in the road. A young man in attendance gave a deplorable account 
of the robbery. He said the attack was made by about one hundred 
and fifty of Lane's men, all mounted, who came with two wagons, 
which they filled with goods, broke open the postoffice box and robbed 
it of letters and postage stamps, and destroyed such articles as they 
could not carry away. The proprietor, to save his life, had fled to 
the hills and hid himself in the bushes, and he was threatened with 
death if he should give information concerning the robbery. The 
Governor, who had been accustomed to examine 'moccasin-tracks,' 
made a careful investigation of the premises, and at once assured 
Lieutenant Drum that the statements of his informant were false. 
He pointed out distinctly the fact that the traces upon the ground 
indicated the late presence of certainly not over a dozen horsemen. 
He then ordered the young man to take a seat in the ambulance, to 
point out the direction taken by the robbers, and hastened in pursuit 
of them. Along the road were exhibited fearful evidences of ruffian 
violence. Almost every house had been destroyed, and the sites 
they had occupied were marked only by solitary chimneys standing 
in the midst of heaps of ashes. The first dwelling approached was 
about three miles from Alexandria, where the Governor halted and 
inquired of the settler if he had seen a large body of men pass 
during the morning. He promptly answered that only six horsemen 
had passed that way, about half an hour previous. The Governor 
then asked the man in company why he had attempted to mislead 
him with a lying statement. The fellow had nothing to reply, and, 
after a severe rebuke, was permitted to return to Alexandria. As, a 
reward for having told the truth, the settler's house was attacked 
a day or two after, and burned to the ground; his wife and half 
a dozen children being turned out upon the open prairie, and his 
crop of corn destroyed. 

"The Governor increased his speed, and having traveled two miles 
farther, upon reaching an elevated piece of ground saw six horsemen 
crossing the prairie at the distance of about half a mile. Upon ob- 
serving the carriage, they turned toward it- putting their horses to a 



304 



JOHN BEOWN 



gallop, with the evident intention to attack and rob it. As they came 
within a few hundred yards, and preparations were being made to 
give them a warm reception, the covered wagon ascended the hill, 
thus exhibiting the character and strength of the Governor's party, 
when the intending assailants turned and fled in the opposite direc- 
tion. They were pursued by the sergeant, the only mounted man in 
the company, and a more interesting chase was never witnessed. 
The horses were put to their utmost speed, their tails standing 
straight out, and making time rarely equaled on a race-course. 
Four of them succeeded in reaching a wooded ravine, but the other 
two, whose horses were not equal to that rode by the sergeant, were 
overtaken and commanded to halt. Upon being questioned, they 
represented themselves as Free-State men who had been driven from 
their homes by a party of border ruffians. The sergeant, however, 
recognized them as two of a party of six men whom he had that 
morning seen leave Leavenworth City. It was subsequently learned 
that the leader of the party was a citizen of Missouri; a prominent 
member of the Legislative Assembly of Kansas, and the alleged author 
of most of the odious election and test laws passed by that body 
during its session of 1855. This person has boasted that he 'pressed' 
from Free-State men several valuable horses, which he had carried 
for safe-keeping into Lexington, Missouri." — "History of Kansas," 
John E. Gihon, pp. 118, 119. 



Note 8. — This is an exact report of what Brown said. It was 
taken down as he spoke, by Colonel Richard J. Hinton, who was pres- 
ent as the reporter for Eastern newspapers. Colonel Hinton was a 
stenographer or shorthand writer, and one of the ablest correspond- 
ents sent to Kansas. He identified himself with the Free-State 
party, and rendered valuable services; afterward he served in the 
Kansas regiments in various capacities through the war. He has 
written much and well of the early days here. One of his best 
works is John Brown and Eis Men. This address can be seen in 
Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, p. 335. 



CHAPTEE XL 

FAEEWELL TO I^NSAS. 



Eleven slaves are now set free, — 
A kindly stroke for those who fell, 
A just and righteous parallel, — 
Their freedom wonj and strange to tell, 

Kansas has gained her liberty. 

Not on far Afric's burning sand, 

When age on age has come and gone, 
And people searching in the throng 
Which passing centuries prolong, 

Ask for some hero proud and grand. 

The theme for master sculptor's hand, 
Whose ancient glory and renown 
The waiting multitude shall crown, 
Will there remote appear John Brown;— 

But will be found in every land 

His glory heralded by seers,— 
In marble cutj by poets sung; 
And his rude image shall be hung 
Bound the charmed neck, and every tongue 
Shall praise him as a saint of years. 

—Joel Moody's "The Song of Kansas." 

John Brown did not intend to remain permanently in 

Kansas, so far as we now know; it is believed that he did 

not come with that purpose. It seems that he only "turned 

aside" for a time from his life-work to take up the sword 

~^ (305) 



306 



JOHN BROWN 



for Kansas. But it is hj no means certain that he did not 
finally come to see the possibility of his remaining in the 
State he helped to redeem and rescue. There is little 
doubt that he at one time contemplated striking his final 
blow at slavery from Kansas — that he studied long and 
seriously the establishment of the stations in the Indian 
Territory and Texas that he eventually concluded to un- 
dertake in the Appalachians. At least three purposes 
moved him to come to Kansas. The first was, to assist his 
children in the battle to make Kansas free and in the de- 
fense of their lives and property. The second was, to seek 
every opportunity to attack the institution of slavery. The 
third was, to gain practical experience in guerrilla war- 
fare. The latter was essential to the success of the great 
design so long and so devoutly intended by liim.^ 

When the hordes from Missouri had rolled back from 
the walls of Lawrence, Governor Geary devoted himself 
in good faith to dispersing all armed bands in the Terri- 
tory. There were indictments against John Brown for 
resistance to the bogus laws, or treason, and any strict 
construction of his duty would compel the Governor to 
bring him to trial; but he did not want the hero of Osa- 
watomie captured, for he did not know what to do with 
him. To have dealt harshly with him would have aroused 
the Free-State men to resistance. He intimated to 
Brown's partisans that he should consider it a favor if 
they would in some way prevent his ofiicers from meeting 
him. It is by no means certain that he did not request 
his friends to induce Brown to quit the Territory for a 
season, in order that there might remain no possibility 
of his arrest. By Governor Geary's efforts the cam- 



FAKEWELL TO KANSAS 



307 



paign waged so persistently and relentlessly against the 
Free-State men of Kansas for the preceding six months 
was rendered ineffectual. There was some hope that the 
settlers would he protected in their homes. Brown con- 
sented to go East in September ; but he did not relinquish 
any purpose he had formed in relation to slavery, or even 
Kansas ; on the contrary, he labored diligently in these 
causes during his absence from the Territory. He left 
Kansas in September, probably about the 15th. He had 
his old wagon and ox team, and in this clumsy conveyance 
he rode much of the time, for he was sick. His progress 
was slow; and he was pursued for a time by the United 
States troops, but had no trouble in evading them. He 
followed the trail over which Lane's Army of the North 
had marched in. 

Brown remained a fortnight at Tabor, Iowa, and when 
his health improved he continued his journey, arriving 
in Chicago about the 25th of October. Here the ITational 
Kansas Committee purchased him a suit of clothes. He 
visited the various committees formed in the Eastern 
States to assist in the settlement of Kansas ; he hoped to 
procure the means to arm a considerable number of men. 
He had in mind the great work of his life, and never for 
a moment neglected it; and on this trip he secured the 
custody of two hundred Sharps' rifles then at Tabor, Iowa, 
and these he finally carried with him to Harper's Ferry. 

The committees were able to do but little for him; and 
finding this condition of affairs, he determined to make 
appeals directly to the people. He spoke in many New 
England towns. In Massachusetts there was a movement 
to have the Legislature appropriate twenty-five thousand 



308 



JOHN BEOWN 



dollars in the aid of Kansas work. The committee having 
this matter in charge requested him to appear before them 
and deliver an address. This he did. He arraigned the 
Administration, and described the conditions existing in 
Kansas and the trials Free-State people vi^ere compelled 
to bear in that Territory. He said : 

" I saw, while in Missouri, in the fall of 1855, large 
numbers of men going to Kansas to vote, and also return- 
ing after they had so done ; as they said. 

" Later in the year, I, with four of my sons, was called 
out, and traveled, mostly on foot and during the night, to 
help defend Lawrence, a distance of thirty-five miles; 
where we were detained, with some five hundred others, 
or thereabouts, from five to ten days — say an average of 
ten days — at a cost of not less than a dollar and a half 
per day, as wages; to say nothing of the actual loss and 
suffering occasioned to many of them, by leaving their 
families sick, their crops not secured, their houses unpre- 
pared for winter, and many without houses at all. This 
was the case with myself and sons, who could not get 
houses built after returning. Wages alone would amount 
to seven thousand five hundred dollars; loss and suffering 
cannot be estimated. 

" I saw, at that time, the body of the murdered Barber, 
and was present to witness his wife and other friends 
brought in to see him with his clothes on, just as he 
was when killed. 

" I, with six sons and a son-in-law, was called out, and 
traveled, most of the way on foot, to try and save Law- 
rence, May 20 and 21, and much of the way in the night. 
From that date, neither I nor my sons, nor my son-in-law, 
could do any work about our homes, but lost our whole 
time until we left, in October ; except one of my sons, who 
had a few weeks to devote to the care of his own and his 
brother's family, who were then without a home. 



FAREWELL TO KANSAS 



309 



" From about the 20th of May, hundreds of men, like 
ourselves, lost their whole time, and entirely failed of 
securing any kind of a crop whatever. I believe it safe 
to say that five hundred I'ree-State men lost each one 
hundred and twenty days, which, at one dollar and a half 
per day, would be — to say nothing of attendant losses — 
ninety thousand dollars. 

"On or about the 30th of May, two of my sons, with 
several others, were imprisoned without other crime than 
opposition to bogus legislation, and most barbarously 
treated for a time, one being held about a month, and the 
other about four months. Both had their families on the 
ground. After this both of them had their houses burned, 
and all their goods consumed by the Missourians. In 
this burning all the eight suffered. One had his oxen 
stolen, in addition." 

The Captain, laying aside his paper, here said that 
he had now at his hotel, and would exhibit to the commit- 
tee, if they so desired, the chains which one of his sons 
had worn, when he was driven, beneath a burning sun, by 
Federal troops, to a distant prison, on a charge of treason. 
The cruelties he there endured, added to the anxieties and 
sufferings incident to his position, had rendered him, the 
old man said, as his eye flashed and his voice grew sterner, 
"a maniac — yes, a manla.c." 

He paused a few seconds, wiped a tear from his eye, 
and continued his narration: 

"At Black Jack, the invading Missourians wounded 
three Free-State men, one of them my son-in-law; and 
a few days afterward one of my sons was so wounded that 
he will be a cripple for life. 

" In June, I was present and saw the mangled and dis- 
figured body of the murdered Hoyt, of Deerfield, Mass.^ 
brought into our camp. I knew him well. 

" I saw the ruins of many Free-State men's houses, in 
different parts of the Territory, together with grain, in 



310 



JOHN BEOWJSr 



the stack, burning, and wasted in other ways, to the 
amount, at least, of fifty thousand dollars. 

" I saw several other Free-State men, besides those I 
have named, during the summer, who were badly wounded 
by the invaders of the Territory. 

" I know that for much of the time during the summer, 
the travel over portions of the Territory was entirely cut 
off, and that none but bodies of armed men dared to 
move at all. 

" I know that for a considerable time the mails on 
different routes were entirely stopped; and notwithstand- 
ing there were abundant troops in the Territory to escort 
the mails, I know that such escorts were not furnished, 
as they ought to have been. 

" I saw while it was standing, and afterwards saw the 
ruins of, a most valuable house, the property of a highly 
civilized, intelligent, and exemplary Christian Indian, 
which was burned to the ground by the Euffians, because 
its owner was suspected of favoring Free-State men. He 
was known as Ottawa Jones, or John T. Jones. 

" In September last, I visited a beautiful little Free- 
State town called Stanton, on the north side of the Osage 
(or Marais des Cygnes, as it is sometimes called), from 
which every inhabitant had fled for fear of their lives, 
even after having built a strong log house, or wooden 
fort, at a heavy expense, for their protection. Many of 
them had left their effects, liable to be destroyed or carried 
off, not being able to remove them. This was to me a 
most gloomy scene, and like a visit to a sepulcher. 

" Deserted houses and cornfields were to be found in 
almost every direction south of the Kansas river. 

" I have not yet told all I saw in Kansas. 

" I once saw three mangled bodies, two of which were 
dead, and one alive, but with twenty bullet and buckshot ™ 

holes in him, after the two murdered men had lain on the ii; 

ground, to be worked at by flies, for some eighteen hours. 
One of these young men was my own son." 



FAREWELL TO KLilNSAS Sll 

The stern old man faltered. He struggled long to sup- 
press all exhibition of his feelings, and soon, but with a 
subdued, and in a faltering, tone continued : 

" I saw Mr. Parker, whom I well knew, all bruised 
about the head, and with his throat partly cut, after he 
had been dragged, sick, from the house of Ottawa Jones, 
and thrown over the bank of the Ottawa creek for dead. 

"About the first of September, I, and five sick and 
wounded sons, and a son-in-law, were obliged to lie on 
the ground, without shelter, for a considerable time, and 
at times almost in a state of starvation, and dependent 
on the charity of the Christian Indian I have before 
named, and his wife. 

" I saw Dr. Graham, of Prairie City, who was a pris- 
oner with the Ruffians on the 2d of June, and was present 
when they wounded him, in an attempt to kill him, as he 
was trying to save himself from being murdered by them 
during the fight at Black Jack. 

" I know that numerous other persons, whose names I 
cannot now remember, suffered like hardships and ex- 
posures to those I have mentioned. 

" I know well that on or about the 14th of September, 
1856, a large force of Missourians and other Rufhans, 
said by Governor Geary to be twenty-seven hundred in 
number, invaded the Territory, burned Franklin, and, 
while the smoke of that place was going up behind them, 
they, on the same day, made their appearance in full view 
of, and within about a mile of, Lawrence ; and I know of 
no reason why they did not attack that place, except that 
about one hundred Free-State men volunteered to go out 
and did go out, on the open plain before the town, and give 
them offer of a fight, which, after getting scattering shots 
from our men, they declined, and retreated back towards 
Franklin. I saw the whole thing. The Government troops, 
at this time, were at Lecompton, a distance of twelve 
miles only from Lawrence, with Governor Geary; and 



312 



JOHN BEOWN 



yet, notwithstanding runners had been dispatched to ad- 
vise him, in good time, of the approach and setting out 
of the enemy, (who had to march some forty miles to 
reach Lawrence,) he did not, on that memorable occasion, 
get a single soldier on the ground until after the enemy 
had retreated to Franklin, and been gone for more than 
five hours. This is the way he saved Lawrence. And it 
is just the kind of protection the Free-State men have re- 
ceived from the Administration from the first." ^ 

Brown visited his family at North Elba, N. Y., but did 
not remain long at home; he returned to New England 
early in March, and continued his work on the platform. 
He met with some encouragement; eighty dollars was 
given him in three nights by two towns in Connecticut. 
One of these towns was Canton, where his father and 
mother were brought up. The old granite monument of 
his grandfather, John Brown, of Revolutionary fame, 
stood in the burial-ground there, though the old patriot 
had been buried on the banks of the Hudson. The people 
agreed to send the venerable monument to North Elba, to 
be there set up and inscribed with the name of his son 
Frederick, and other names as occasion arose. The monu- 
ment was sent, and was an object of great interest to the 
many who visited the grave of the martyr in after-years. 
At Hartford and Canton Brown read from his manuscript 
an appeal for assistance; this appeal explains his objects, 
and shows that he was then contemplating greater things : 

" I am trying to raise from twenty to twenty-five thou- 
sand dollars in the free States, to enable me to continue 
my efforts in the cause of freedom. Will the people of 
Connecticut, my native State, afford me some aid in this 
undertaking ? Will the gentlemen and ladies of Hartford, 



FAREWELL TO KANSAS 



313 



where I make my first appeal in this State, set the example 
of an earnest effort ? Will some gentleman or lady take 
hold and try what can he done by small contributions from 
counties, cities, towns, societies, or churches, or in some 
other way ? I think the little beggar-children in the 
streets are sufficiently interested to warrant their contrib- 
uting, if there was any need of it, to secure the object. 
I was told that newspapers in a certain city were dressed 
in mourning on hearing that I was killed and scalped in 
Kansas, but I did not know of it until I reached the place. 
Much good it did me. In the same place I met a more cool 
reception than in any other place where I have stopped. 
If my friends will hold up my hands while I live, I will 
freely absolve them from any expense over me when I am 
dead. I do not ask for pay, but shall be most grateful for 
all the assistance I can get." ^ 

It was while in Connecticut at this time that Brown 
contracted for the construction of a thousand pikes, which 
he afterwards carried with him to Harper's Ferry. He 
visited many of the principal cities on this second visit 
to ISTew England, and addressed large audiences. He also 
made the personal acquaintance of the men most promi- 
nent in the work of aiding Kansas; and he met the abo- 
litionists then laboring in their way to free the slaves. 
Eli Thayer was much impressed with his services to 
the cause of freedom, and did not ascertain until he was 
an independent candidate for Congress, in 1860, when 
he was in opposition to his party, which was then engag- 
ing in the mighty conflict for the preservation of the 
Union, that Brown was a detriment to the cause of liberty 
in Kansas. He offered Brown a home in a "boom town" 
enterprise in what is now West Virginia, at the mouth of 



314 



JOHI\^ BROWN 



the Big Sandy river, called Ceredo, and which was a 
failure. 

Brown received most encouragement from the Massa- 
chusetts State Committee. It proposed to obtain an 
appropriation of one hundred thousand dollars to be used 
for relief in Kansas; to organize a force, "well armed 
and under control of the famous John Brown, to repel 
Border-Ruffian outrage and defend Free-State men." In 
the explanation of its objects it was recited that "many of 
the Free-State leaders, being engaged in speculations, are 
willing to accept peace on any terms. Bro-WTi and his 
friends will hold to the original principle of making Kan- 
sas free, without regard to private interests." This is just 
what Brown had been doing in Kansas, and what opposi- 
tion there was in the Free-State ranks in the Territory 
to Brown came from his strict adherence to these original 
principles. But with all his efforts, the results in New 
England was disappointing to him. His chagrin found 
expression in the following quaint document : 

"OLD JOHX BROWN'S FAREWELL 

TO THE PLYMOUTH BOCKS, BXJ^^sKEB HILL MOXLTJEXTS, CHABTEB 
OAKS, A>'D UNCLE TOM'S CABINS. 

" He has left for Kansas ; has been trying since he 
came out of the Territory to secure an outfit, or, in other 
words, the means of arming and thoroughly equipping 
his regular minute-men, who are mixed up with the people 
of Kansas. And he leaves the State with a feeling of 
deepest sadness, that after exhausting his own small 
means, and with his family and his brave men suffering 
hunger, cold, nakedness, and some of them sickness, 
wounds, imprisonment, and others death; that, lying on 
the ground for months in the most sickly, unwholesome, 
and uncomfortable places, some of the time with sick and 



FABEWELL TO KANSAS 315 

wounded, destitute of any shelter, hunted like wolves, and 
sustained in part by Indians ; that after all this, in order 
to sustain a cause which every citizen of this 'glorious 
Republic' is under equal moral obligation to do, and for 
the neglect of which he will be held accountable by God, — 
a cause in which every man, woman, and child of the 
entire human family has a deep and awful interest, — 
that when no wages were asked nor expected, he cannot 
secure, amid all the wealth, luxury, and extravagance of 
this 'heaven-exalted' people, even the necessary supplies 
of the common soldier. 'How are the mighty fallen !' 

" I am de-stitute of horses, baggage-wagons, tents, har- 
ness, saddles, bridles, holsters, spurs, and belts; camp 
equipage, such as cooking and eating utensils, blankets, 
knapsacks, intrenching-tools, axes, shovels, spades, mat- 
tocks, crowbars ; have not a supply of ammunition ; 
have not money sufficient to pay freight and traveling 
expenses; and left my family poorly supplied with com- 
mon necessaries. 

" Boston, April, 1857." 

John Brown was working with method to accomplish 
an end — perfecting arrangements to accomplish the de- 
sign he had cherished for more than twenty years. He 
had not yet disclosed this plan to anyone — perhaps in its 
more definite outlines so far as they were fixed, not even 
to his wife. He made the acquaintance, in April, 1857, 
of Hugh Forbes, who was an Englishman late from Italy^ 
where he had been a silk merchant and a follower of 
Garibaldi. In one of the downward turns of the cause 
of his leader he found it necessary to flee, and, leaving 
his wife and daughter in Paris, he sought the hospitable 
shores of America. He was a fencing-master, and claimed 
an extensive knowledge of military tactics and guerrilla 



316 



JOHN BROWN 



warfare. He proposed to Brown to translate a French 
work on street-fighting and other varieties of desultory 
tactics, and print it for the use of his army. To this 
Brown was favorable, and he furnished the means to bring 
out the work, believing that it would prove of great service 
to his men. Forbes was also employed, or taken on some 
terms not now well understood, to instruct the army to be 
raised and equipped by Brown to carry out his intentions. 
He was to come to Tabor, Iowa, in May, 1857, but did 
not arrive until the 9th of August. Being dissatisfied, 
he left there early in November, and went East, where he 
divulged such of Brown's plans as had been made known 
to him. These revelations were made to prominent public 
men, and to persons who had assisted Brown and were in 
sympathy with his designs.^ 

From Tabor, Iowa, Brown came to Kansas, arriving 
at the farm of E. B. Whitman, a little south of Lawrence, 
on the 5th of November. He intended to remain but a 
short time, and his object was to enlist men skilled in the 
rough guerrilla warfare of the Kansas border in his army 
of invasion of Virginia.^ His presence was made known 
to few, for it was feared that he might be arrested on the 
old indictments for treason or conspiracy. From Law- 
rence he went to the farm of Daniel Sheridan, south of 
Topeka. There he was joined by John E. Cook, Richard 
Realf, and Luke F. Parsons. He and J. H. Kagi visited 
Manhattan. With the persons named, and "Colonel 
Whipple," or Aaron D. Stevens, Charles W. Moffett, and 
Richard Richardson, a colored man of intelligence. Brown 
left Kansas for Iowa late in November. They arrived 
without incident, and soon afterward the whole company 



FAREWELL TO KANSAS 317 

were moved to the Quaker communitj at Springdale, Iowa, 
and were given a heartfelt welcome bj the good people of 
that place. The gratitude and approval of humanity are 
due the Quakers of every part of America for their serv- 
ices in effecting the abolition of slavery. They were the 
first body to oppose the institution in both Europe and 
America, and were ever in advance in this righteous cause 
as the work for its consummation dragged slowly along. 
No black man or woman or child fleeing from a crushing 
and degrading bondage with bloody-fanged dogs crying 
on the trail at the instance of the minions of the laws of 
the nation, ever knocked in vain at a Quaker door. The 
underground railroad ran from one Quaker settlement 
to another, and was always safest where the Friends were 
most numerous, and to them the distress-cry of the fugitive 
black man was a call from God that was never unheeded. 
The company of John Brown gathered at Springdale 
consisted of eleven men, — John Brown, Owen Brown, 
Aaron D. Stevens, John Henri Kagi, John Edwin Cookj 
Eichard Eealf, Charles P. Tidd, William Leeman, Luke 
F. Parsons, Charles W. Moffett, and Richard Eichardson. 
During the winter George B. Gill, Steward Taylor, Ed- 
win Coppoc and Barclay Coppoc joined the little army. 
John Brown installed Aaron D. Stevens in the position 
of military instructor, left vacant by the desertion of 
Forbes. As soon as provision for his men for the winter 
was completed, BrowTi returned East; this was in Jan- 
uary, 1858. He stopped in Ohio to see his son John, 
and from there he went to the home of Frederick Douglass, 
in Eochester, N". Y. He made his home with Douglass 
for a time, and while there, drew up his constitution for 



318 JOHN BEOWN 

a provisional government. He began also to disclose to 
his friends his plans for the future — very cautiously at 
first, and by vague hints and suggestions rather than by 
direct avowal. He inquired of Theodorfe Parker by letter : 
"Do you think any of my Garrisonian friends, either at 
Boston, Worcester, or any other place, can be induced to 
supply a little 'straw,' if I will absolutely make 'bricks' ?"^ 
He desired something less than a thousand dollars. "He 
wishes to avoid publicity, and will not see his family. 
Meantime he is staying with Fred Douglass under the 
nom de guerre of N. Hawkins. He 'expects to overthrow 
slavery' in a large part of the country," wrote Edward 
Morton to F. B. Sanborn.'^ He wrote Sanborn: "My 
reasons for keeping quiet are such that when I left Kan- 
sas I kept it from every friend there; and I suppose it 
is still understood that I am hiding somewhere in the 
Territory." These were his reasons for not going to Bos- 
ton, or even passing through Albany. He was at the 
home of Gerrit Smith, near Peterboro, IST. Y., February 
20th, 1858. Here he was met by Mr. Sanborn, who says 
that on the evening of Washington's birthday "the whole 
outline of Brown's campaign in Virginia was laid before 
our little council, to the astonishment and almost the dis- 
may of those present." The discussion continued till past 
midnight, "but nothing could shake the purpose of the 
old Puritan. Every difficulty had been foreseen and pro- 
vided against in some manner; the grand difficulty of 
all — the manifest hopelessness of undertaking anything 
so vast with such slender means — was met with the text 
of Scripture : 'If God be for us, who can be against us ?' 
He had made nearly all his arrangements : he had so 



FAREWELL TO KAKSAS 319 

many men enlisted, so many hundred weapons, — all lie 
now wanted was the small sum of money. With that he 
would open his campaign in the spring, and he had no 
doubt that the enterprise Svould pay,' as he said." 

On the following day the question was again taken up. 
Brown carried his point. " You see how it is," said 
Gerrit Smith to Mr. Sanborn; ''our dear old friend has 
made up his mind to this course, and cannot be turned 
from it. We cannot give him up to die alone; we must 
support him." ^ He went by the way of Brooklyn to Bos- 
ton at the instance of Mr. Sanborn, arriving there on the 
4th of March. His visit to Boston was made secretly. 
He saw Theodore Parker, who encouraged him but was 
not sanguine of the success of his effort. The amount of 
money required was given him, and he considered his 
journey successful at every point. He was in communica- 
tion with Forbes, and seems to have anticipated no seri- 
ous trouble from his course. When the success of his 
plans seemed so nearly complete — when, climbing uj) from 
the devious defiles of the valley of disappointments and 
vexations, he saw from the height of his mountain-top the 
broad plains of peace and freedom unfold in a panorama 
at his feet, he wrote to his wife and children in the rude 
home in the frozen forests of the Adirondacks : " The 
anxiety I feel to see my wife and children once more, I 
am unable to describe. I want exceedingly to see my big 
baby and Ruth's baby, and to see how that little company 
of sheep look about this time. The cries of my poor 
sorrow-stricken, despairing children, whose 'tears on their 
cheeks' are ever in my eyes, and whose sighs are ever In 
my ears, may however prevent my enjoying the happiness 



320 JOHN BEOWN 

I SO mucli desire. But, courage, courage, courage! — the 
great work of mj life (the unseen Hand that 'guided me, 
and who has indeed holden my right hand, may hold it 
still,' though I have not known Him at all as I ought) 
I may yet see accomplished (.God helping), and be per- 
mitted to return, and 'rest at evening.' " ^ 

John Brown and his son, John Brown, jr., were in Phil- 
adelphia, where a conference was held with a number of 
colored men. They went from thence to Connecticut, and 
from there, by the way of ]^ew York, to ITorth Elba. 
They remained but a few days, and returned to Peterboro, 
arriving at Gerrit Smith's April 2d. Mr. Smith fully 
approved the arrangements made for the invasion of Vir- 
ginia, and "was buoyant and hopeful about it, and showed 
great animation and interest." From Peterboro they went 
to Rochester, where they separated. John Brown went to 
St. Catherine's, Canada, early in April, writing from that 
place to his son John, from whom he had parted at Roch- 
ester, April 8th. There were many fugitive slaves in St. 
Catherine's, and he was probably looking among them 
for additions to his little army. A certain Harriet Tub- 
man, a colored woman of much influence, was there at the 
time, and she seems to have aided him in this work. 
But he did not remain long in Canada. He went to 
Iowa, and from Springdale wrote his wife on the 27th of 
April. He had come to transfer his army to Chatham, 
Canada West, which he accomplished quickly, for he wrote 
from that town to his wife. May 12th. The Provisional 
Constitution had been adopted here before the letter to his 
wife was written. It began with the following preamble: 
^^yVhereas, Slavery throughout its entire existence in the 



FAREWELL TO KANSAS 



321 



United States, is none other than a most barbarous, un- 
provoked, and unjustifiable war of one portion of its 
citizens upon another portion — the only conditions of 
which are perpetual imprisonment and hopeless servitude 
or absolute extermination — in utter disregard and viola- 
tion of those eternal and self-evident truths set forth in 
our Declaration of Independence." ^*^ 

But at this moment, when it seemed that all things 
were turning to favor the rapid consummation of John 
Brown's life-purpose, unexpected developments forced a 
postponement of the expedition for many months. Forbes 
continued to talk of Brown's plans. He gave information 
to Senators in Washington and influential persons in New 
England. The result was that Mr. Smith, Theodore Par- 
ker, Mr. Sanborn and those knowing his full plans wrote 
him that the expedition must be deferred for a year. 
Brown met Mr. Stearns in New York about the 20th of 
May. He went to Boston, where he was assured that he 
would be furnished two or three thousand dollars for the 
execution of the plan in the following winter. In the 
meantime it was believed best for him to return to Kansas, 
for, as Forbes did not know that Virginia was the objective 
point of Brown's expedition, his return to the Territory 
and the resumption of the old warfare there would 
serve to contradict Forbes's revelations. He left Bos- 
ton June 3d, "with five hundred dollars in gold, and 
liberty to retain all the arms," visited North Elba, passed 
through Ohio and Iowa into Nebraska, and reached Law- 
rence on the 25th of June, 1858. He was warmly wel- 
comed by his friends and the people of Kansas generally ; 

among these were the correspondents of the Eastern news- 
—21 



322 JOHN BEOWN 

papers. Kedpath records at length a conversation "whicli 
lasted nearly the whole afternoon." He was accompanied 
by Kagi, and they returned to Kansas, as Kagi gave out, 
because of the betrayal of their plans by Forbes. On Mon- 
day, the 26th, Brown and Kagi left Lawrence for south- 
ern Kansas to visit Mr. Adair and other friends near Osa- 
watomie, and also to consult with Captain James Mont- 
gomery. 

The Marais des Cygnes massacre had occurred on May 
19th. Trouble had existed in Linn and Bourbon coun- 
ties for a long time. When the Free-State people settled 
in the Kansas Valley and northern Kansas in such num- 
bers that the danger from invasions from Missouri ceased 
and civil order appeared, the worst characters among the 
ruffians betook themselves to these counties, and made their 
headquarters at Fort Scott. Among them were Clark and 
the Lieutenant Brockett who was captured with Captain 
Pate. In 1858 the Free-State men had increased in Linn 
county to the point that they could take the initiative. 
Pro-Slavery men occupying the claims from which Free- 
State men had been driven were made to leave. The feel- 
ings of each party toward the other were very bitter. 
The leader of the Pro-Slavery people was Charles A. Ham- 
ilton. He made up a list of some sixty Free-State men 
whom he intended to kill. He had lived on a claim near 
the Missouri line and near the little town of Trading 
Post, but was at this time living in Missouri. He was 
the commander of a company of ruffians known as the 
" Bloody Keds." On the 19th of May he rode over the 
line, gathered up eleven of his neighbors, all unarmed, 
and many of them inoffensive and peaceable, formed thein 



FAREWELL TO KANSAS 



323 



in line in a gloomy giilch and shot them. Four were in- 
stantly killed, and all the survivors but one desperately 
wounded. The ruffians mounted their horses and fled, and 
Hamilton was never again heard of " by anyone familiar 
with this bloody crime." A blacksmith named Snyder 
had saved himself from the same fate by resisting with 
his shotgun. Brown went to the point where these mur- 
ders were committed.^ ^ It was believed for some time 
that he had purchased the claim upon which Snyder's 
shop was located, and that he had built a strong fort upoii 
it, called Fort Snyder ; but this he never did. He enlisted 
a few men, among them many of the foremost in the Ter- 
ritory, He assumed the name of Shubel Morgan, and his 
volunteers were known as " Shubel Morgan's Company." 
The nine rules for the government of the company arc 
characteristic of the stern and Puritanical character of 
Brown, and they are yet preserved in the library of the 
Historical Society. Augustus Wattles and James Mont- 
gomery were privates in this company commanded by 
" Shubel Morgan." 

The company saw considerable service during the sum- 
mer. Governor Denver posted some soldiers in the vicin- 
ity of the camp, which was near Trading Post. On the 
23d of July Brown wrote that some of the soldiers of this 
company had offered him their services, and that he had 
declined them. Afterwards there was an attempt to cap- 
ture Brown, and this duty was intrusted to the United 
States troops. There was a sharp engagement between 
Brown's company and these troops at Fox's Ford, on Big 
Sugar creek, in which a number were wounded on eacli 
side. The troops were commanded by a Captain Farns- 



324 



JOHN BKOWN 



worth. Brown and his men are said to have disguised 
themselves as stone-masons, and worked for some time 
on a stone house being built by Augustus Wattles, Farns- 
worth and his command stopped at the house of Mr. 
Wattles one day for dinner or water or under some other 
pretext, but really because they suspected that these stone- 
cutters were Brown and his men. Brown was then con- 
cealed in the loft of Mr. Wattles's cabin. While Mr. Wat- 
tles and Captain Farnsworth discussed the desperate cour- 
age of Old John Brown he was lying with his eye at a 
rent in the wall not ten feet away, listening to the young- 
officer, who boasted that he would make him prisoner yet. 
He remained for more than an hour, and it afforded Mr. 
Wattles much amusement to keep the officer always on the 
subject, as he knew that Brown was listening to all he 
said. 

During the summer he was for a time sick with an 
ague ; this so weakened him that he was unable to remain 
in camp. He went to the home of his brother-in-law, the 
Bev. Mr. Adair, where he was very ill from an attack of 
typhoid fever. It was the 10th of September when he 
could again write to his friends. He returned to camp as 
soon as he was again well enough to bear the hardships 
of the camp life, but he wrote that he was anxious to 
reengage in preparation for the invasion of Virginia. 

On Sunday, December 19, 1858, a negro man came 
from Missouri to Brown's camp and begged that his wife 
and family be rescued from slavery before they were sold 
to be carried South, The following Monday night Brown, 
with a number of men from his company, made a foray 
into Missouri, and secured these slaves, eleven in number, 



FAREWELL TO KANSAS 



325 



and carried them into Kansas. Tliev were carried to the 
Pottawatomie and kept in a cabin on the open prairie 
for more than a month, while every ravine and thicket 
swarmed with people searching for them. ISTo one thought 
of their being concealed in the deserted old cabin in plain 
view of a number of houses, and they escaped without 
detection. This raid was the occasion which caused the 
writing of the famous communication known as " Old 
Brown's Parallels," which is as follows : 

"OLD BROWN'S PARALLELS. 
" Trading Post, I^^nsas, Jany, — 1859. 

" Gents : You will greatly oblige a humble friend by 
allowing me the use of your columns while I briefly state 
Two paralells in my poor way. Not One year ago Eleven 
quiet citizens of this neighborhood (Viz) Wm Robertson, 
Wm Colpetzer, Amos Hall, Austin Hall, John Campbell 
Asa Snyder, Thos Stilwell, Wm Hairgrove, Asa Hairgrove, 
Patrick Ross, and B. L. Reed, were gathered up from their 
work, & their homes by an armed force (under One Hamil- 
ton) & without trial ; or opportunity to speak in their own 
defense were formed into a line & all but one shot Five 
killed, & Five wounded. One fell unharmed pretending 
to be dead. All were left for dead. Now I inquire what 
action has ever since (the occasion in May last) been 
taken by either the President of the United States ; the 
Governor of Missouri : the Governor of Kansas or any of 
their tools: or by any proslavery or administration manf 

" Xow for the other parallel. On Sunday the 19th of 
December a Negro man called Jim came over to the Osage 
settlement from Missouri & stated that he together with 
his Wife, Two Children, & another Negro man were to 
be sold within a day or Two & beged for help to get 
away. On Monday night of the following day Two small 
companies were made up to go to Missouri & forcibly lib- 



326 JOHN BKOWN 

erate the Five slaves together with other slaves. One of 
those companies I assumed to direct. We proceeded to 
the place surrounded the buildings liberated the slaves ; & 
also took certain other property supposed to belong to the 
Estate. We however learned before leaving that a portion 
of the articles we had taken belonged to a man living on 
the plantation as a tenant & who was supposed to have 
no interest in the Estate. We promptly restored to him 
all we had taken so far I believe. We then went to another 
where we freed Five more slaves, took some property; 
& Two white men. We moved all slowly away into the 
territory for some distance & then sent the White men back 
telling them to follow us as soon as they chose to do so. 
The other company freed One female slave took some 
property ; & as I am informed killed One Wliite man (the 
master) who fought against the liberation. 

" Now for a comparison. Eleven persons are forcibly 
restored to their natural; & wvalienable rights with but 
one man killed ; & all ' Hell is stirred from beneath.' 
It is currently reported that the Governor of Mis- 
souri has made a requisition upon the Governor of Kan- 
sas for the delivery of all such as were concerned in 
the last named 'dreadful outrage' : the Marshall of Kan- 
sas is said to be collecting a posse of Missouri (not Kansas 
men) at West Point in Missouri a little town about Ten 
Miles distant to 'enforce the laws/ & and all proslavery 
conservative Free State dough faced men & administration 
tools are filled with holy horror. 

Respectfully Yours, 

John Brown." ^^ 

The Governor of Missouri offered a reward for the 
capture and delivery of John Brown, and this was supple- 
mented by a reward offered by James Buchanan, President 
of the United States, of two hundred and fifty dollars. 
Brown immediately had printed a small handbill in which 



FAREWELL TO KANSAS 



327 



he publicly proclaimed tliat he thereby offered a reward 
for Buchanan, declaring that if any lover of his country 
would deliver that august personage to him, well tied, at 
Trading Post, he would willingly pay such patriot the 
sum of two dollars and fifty cents. It is said that reflec- 
tion upon the matter afterwards convinced him that this 
sum was more than the President was actually worth for 
any purpose. 

Brown now prepared to leave Kansas. He was anxious 
to be on his way to Virginia. He had taken an old wagon 
from the master in Missouri when he rescued the slaves. 
This was concealed in a rocky gorge some distance from 
the old cabin on the prairie where the slaves were kept. 
It was of a peculiar pattern, and almost covered with 
chains — chains here, and chains there, chains everywhere 
— and they made a deafening rattle and clangor when the 
old wagon was in motion. About January 20, 1859, 
Brown put his negroes into this wagon, hitched to it 
the two yoke of oxen taken from the slave-owner, and 
set out for Canada. He was accompanied for a short 
distance by some friends from the Pottawatomie; but 
they soon turned back to their homes. The slaves had 
little idea of the distance to Canada. Perhaps they ex- 
pected to arrive there in a day or two. 

"Jim, who was driving an ox team, 'supposed to belong 
to the estate,' asked one of the liberators, * How far is 
it to Canada?' 

" ' Twenty-five hundred miles.' 

" 'Twenty- five hundred! Laws-a-massa ! Twenty-five 
hundred miles! No git dar 'fore spring!' cried Jim, as, 
raising his heavy whip and bringing it down on the ox's 



328 



JOHN BROWN" 



back, He shouted impatiently, 'Whoa-haw, Buck; git 
up dar— g'lang. Bill !' " ^^ 

The audacity and daring of the man is shown in the 
commencement of this journey. He was almost alone. 
A price was on his head. His conveyance was such as 
to attract attention anywhere, and the slowest known to 
traffic or travel. His route ran near the capital of the 
Territory, where he was wanted on many a charge. He 
had little or no food, and was clad in thin cotton garments 
worn by him during the summer. But his stout heart 
knew no fear. He pushed forward, the chains of the old 
wagon rattling as it rolled over the prairie or plunged into 
ravines and draws. But he cared not for chains so long 
as they bound no slave. And he knew where to find his 
friends. At the house of Major James B. Abbott he 
tarried for a short time. He avoided Lawrence, and 
came to Topeka by the way of Auburn, on the Wakarusa. 
Here he remained a day or two, at the house of Daniel 
Sheridan, and some supplies of food and clothing were 
given him. He crossed the Kansas river in the night, and 
was entertained by Cyrus Packard, Esq., a Free-State 
man from Maine. He left the house of his friend before 
daylight, and followed on his way to Canada the old trail 
made by Lane's Army of the N'orth.^^ Beyond Holton he 
was threatened by a posse, commanded by Dr. J. N". O. P. 
Wood, of Lecompton, and numbering some forty men. 
These were reinforced by some Atchison parties. He sent 
a messenger to Topeka for help, and some thirty-five men 
responded, but before they arrived the posse was routed. 
The last battle fought by the old Puritan on Kansas soil 
resulted in the ignominious defeat of his enemies. After 



FAREWELL TO KANSAS 329 

having been reinforced by the party from Atchison, they 
supposed it impossible for Brown to escape them. There 
were forty-two of them, and they advanced to capture 
Brown's camp. At this moment Brown and seven men 
came out of a wood and opened fire. Never were men 
more surprised. They turned and fled in great disorder; 
some w^ere unhorsed. These w^ere so terror-stricken that 
they seized the tails of the horses ridden by their fright- 
ened comrades, and disappeared over the prairie "just 
hitting the high places." Four of the party were cap- 
tured by Brown. They were retained some days and 
released on the Nebraska side of the State line. They 
requested that their horses be returned to them, but Brown 
assured them that they could well afford to walk back to 
Kansas. This last battle of the slave-owners with Brown 
in Kansas was called derisively, "the Battle of the Spurs," 
by Richard J. Hinton, then a Kansas correspondent for 
Eastern newspapers, and an ardent Free-State man and 
champion of freedom. The battle has always been called 
by the name given it by Colonel Hinton. 

Brown passed through the State of Iowa during the 
month of February. At Tabor he was not well received. 
At Springdale, on the 25th, he was furnished food and 
clothing for his fugitives and charged nothing for their 
entertainment. He addressed "full houses for two nights 
in succession," and a small sum of money was realized by 
the collections. His notes for these addresses yet exist, 
and are characteristic of the man.^*^ At Iowa City he was 
assailed by the postmaster, with the following result: 

" In the midst of a crowd on the street-corner a quiet 
old countryman was seen listening to a champion of slav- 



330 



JOHN BROWN 



ery, who was denouncing Brown as a reckless, bloody 
outlaw, — a man who never dared to fight fair, but skulked 
and robbed, and murdered in the dark, adding, 'If I could 
get sight of him I would shoot him on the spot; I would 
never give him a chance to steal any more slaves.' 'My 
friend,' said the countryman in his modest way, 'you talk 
very brave ; and as you will never have a better opportunity 
to shoot Old Brown than right here and now, you can 
have a chance.' Then, drawing two revolvers from his 
pockets he offered one to the braggart, requesting him to 
take it and shoot as quick as he pleased. The mob orator 
slunk away, and Brown returned his pistols to his 
pocket." ^^ 

Brown carried his fugitives through Chicago to De- 
troit, where he crossed with them into Canada. From 
Canada he went to Cleveland, Ohio, where he sold the 
horses taken from the enemy in the " Battle of the Spurs." 
He explained that the title might be defective, but this 
did not affect the price secured, ^yhen his business in 
Cleveland was transacted, he went on to his home in 
North Elba. He remained there but a short time, and 
went on to !N"ew England. He went by the way of Peter- 
boro, N. y., where he stopped to consult Gerrit Smith. 
He spent his birthday, the last that came to him in this 
world, with Mr. Sanborn, at Concord, Massachusetts. 
Then he went to Boston to begin his preparations to go 
upon his expedition to attack slavery in Virginia. 



Note 1. — Redpath insists almost vehemently that it was never 
John Brown's purpose to make Kansas his place of residence. I re- 
gard Redpath as not the best authority upon this subject, as well 



FAREWELL TO KANSAS 



331 



as upon some others connected with the life of Brown. There are 
letters written by members of his family which show at least that 
the coming of the family to Kansas was contemplated. If he had 
finally concluded to attempt in Arkansas and Texas what he pur- 
posed in Virginia, he would have brought his family to Kansas. 

Note 2. — Annals of Kansas, D. W. Wilder, pp. 153, 154, 155. 

Note 3. — The paper from which Brown read is in the library of 
the Kansas Historical Society. It is long, and is a valuable historical 
document. This quotation is from Life and Letters of John Brown, 
F. B. Sanborn, p. 379. 

Note 4. — John Broicn and His Men, Richard J. Hinton, and Life 
and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, have good accounts of 
Hugh Forbes and his relations with John Brown. 

Note 5. — I know a number of men now living in Kansas who were 
invited to become members of Brown's army of invasion. Among 
these I remember Mr. Edward P. Harris, who came to Kansas one 
of Lane's Army of the North, and one of the best known and most 
respected of the old pioneers. He is one of the best printers in 
America, and his reputation as a proof-reader is second to none. 
Richard Realf requested him to go to Harper's Ferry with Brown, 
but Mr. Harris, while willing to fight border ruffians in Kansas, 
could not see his way clear to oppose the authority of the United 
States in Virginia. Colonel Thomas E. Scudder is another man 
who was invited to go, and who refused on the same ground. 

Note 6. — Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, p. 435. 

Note 7. — Life and Letters of John Broicn, F. B. Sanborn, p. 437. 

Note 8. — For these quotations, see Life and Letters of John Brown, 
F. B. Sanborn, pp. 436, 437, 438, 439. 

Note 9. — Letter of John Brown to his family, in Life and Letters 
of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, p. 441. . 

Note 10. — The best copy published of this remarkable instrument 
is to be found in John Brown and His Men, Richard J. Hinton, be- 
ginning on page 619. 



332 



JOHN BEOWN 



Note 11. — For accounts of the Marais des Cygnes massacre see 
Kansas in 1858, W. P. Tomlinson; and the account written for the 
Kansas State Historical Society by Ed. R. Smith, Esq., of Mound 
City, and published in the Kansas Historical Collections, Vol. VI, 
p. 365, and following. 

Note 12. — This is given just as Brown wrote it. The original is 
in the library of the Kansas Historical Society. It was first pub- 
lished in the Ncio York Tribune and the Lawrence Republican. The 
original shows some interlineations made with pen and some made 
with pencil. Mr. Sanborn believes those made with pen were made 
by Kagi. Mr. E. P. Harris was a compositor in the Republican 
office when the copy was received. The changes and additions made 
with pencil, now to be seen on the original, in the library of the State 
Historical Society, and the changes in orthography, were made by Mr. 
Harris, as he informs me. He also changed the punctuation. These 
changes all appear on the original copy in the handwriting of Mr. 
Harris. The paper as edited by Mr. Harris has been used as the copy 
of this valuable communication, and may be found in most all the 
biographies of John Brown. By comparing one of those with this 
the additions will readily appear. 

The original paper bears some evidences that it was contemplated 
that some one else, probably Kagi, should make additions to it. 
There are spaces left to be filled if thought necessary; one of these 
follows the list of victims of the Marais des Cygnes massacre, and 
another is at the close. The only word in the original not in the copy 
as printed herein is the word "party." This is the last word, and is 
below the space and next to the .signature. There is no connection 
between it and what precedes it in Brown's handwriting, and it is 
in his handwriting. Mr. Harris made it a part of the last sentence 
in the copy as published generally. 



Note 13. — Life of Captain John Broion, James Redpath, p. 220. 

Note 14.— Miss G. Packard, of Topeka, writes me: 
"My father, Cyrus Packard, came from Maine to Kansas, in the 
spring of 1857. He lived about three miles north of Topeka, and 
John Brown frequently made his house his stopping-place, when 
traveling with slaves. I remember once, in the fall of 1858, that he 
came in the middle of the night with a large company, among whom 
was a babe who had been born on the road. My brother and I were 
little children, and were wakened in the night by the unwonted noise. 



FAREWELL TO KANSAS 



333 



We got up and dressed and started to go downstairs, but found the 
door locked ; and our curiosity was so great that we looked down 
through space around the stove pipe, and saw a great crowd of black 
people moving about. My brother-in-law, coming upstairs just then, 
concluded that we might as well be downstairs ; so we were permitted 
to go about among the fugitives. 1 looked at John Brown with a 
great deal of interest. Col. Whipple and Kagi were with him. My 
mother and sister were bustling about, cooking as good a meal as 
they could under the circumstances. Before morning they were loaded 
into the covered wagons, and were well under way before daylight. 
Another time, word was brought to Topeka that John Brown was 
besieged by Missourians, and a company of men made a forced march 
to his relief. They sufiered so much that by the time they got back 
they were entirely exhausted. One of them, one Captain Henry, came 
into my father's house and sank down. He was stricken with a 
violent fever and only lived a week, during which time he Avas un- 
conscious. A friend of his, a Mr. Emerson from Topeka, helped take 
care of him, and closed his eyes for his last long sleep. 

"This Mr. Emerson was quite a genius in his way. He was not 
a religious man, but was a very strong temperance man. He stam- 
mered in conversation. One time there was a company of fugitive 
slaves here, and there was a discussion as to how they were to be 
guided safely to the Queen's dominions. There was a plan that Mr. 
Emerson and Rev. L. Bodwell should impersonate Missourians, and 
take them through Missouri as their slaves. Mr. Emerson said to 
Mr. Bodwell, 'Y-y you c-can d-do the d-drinking, and I w-wi-will 
d-do the s-sw-swear-swearing.' " 

Note 15. — Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, p. 489. 



KoTE 16. — Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, p. 491. 



CHAPTEE XII. 

THE KENNEDY FARM. 



Are your hands lifted towards the sun, 

What time our onsets wax and wane? 
Do you see troops of angels run 

In shining armor o'er the plain? 
I know not; but I know, full sooth, 

No wrath of hell, nor rage of man, 
Nor recreant servant of the Truth, 

Can balk us of our Canaan. 

— Richard Realf. 

John Brown succeeded in obtaining from his friends 
in New England and New York a sum of money consid- 
ered by him sufficient to warrant his moving forward 
in the enterprise he believed himself called of God to 
undertake for humanity. He bore the burdens of the poor 
and ojDpressed as they groaned in bitter bondage, cried 
under the merciless lash, and shrieked in the bloody jaws 
of the fierce hounds which pulled them down in their 
flight towards a land of refuge and freedom. 

The summer of 1859 was spent in moving the arms 
from Ohio and other points to the vicinity of Harper's 
Ferry, providing a temporary base of operations, enlist- 
ing men for his little army, and in becoming familiar 
with the topography of the country in which he intended 
to carry on his warfare against the "sum of all villainies." 

Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, was made the first point 

(334) 



THE KENNEDY FARM 335 

of concentration. This town is some fifty miles north of 
Harper's Ferry; and at that time there was no railroad 
connecting the two towns. When the rifles arrived there 
from Ohio and the pikes from Connecticut, it was neces- 
sary ta transport them to the rendezvous on the Potomac 
in wagons. Brown himself drove the teams on many of 
these trips to remove the arms. 

On June 23d Brown wrote his family from Akron, 
Ohio, and between that date and the 30th of the same 
month he made his way to Chambersburg ; for at that 
time he wrote to Kagi, " We leave here to-day for Harper's 
Ferry, via Hagerstown." There were with him at this 
time his sons Owen and Oliver, and Jerry Anderson. 
John E. Cook was already living in Harper's Ferry, 
where Brown and his companions appeared July 3d. He 
began the search for a suitable location for his rendezvous, 
and on the 4th was directed by a Marylander to the farm 
belonging to the heirs of Dr. Booth Kennedy, some five 
miles from Harper's Ferry, and on the Maryland side of 
the Potomac. There were two houses on this farm, both 
standing back from the highway, which was then little 
used ; one of these houses was almost concealed by thickets 
which grew between it and the road. The place was 
admirably adapted to Brown's purposes. He represented 
that he was a farmer, from New York; that the frosts 
had ruined his crops, and that he desired to come to a 
country more favorable in climate to his business. He 
wished to rent a farm until he could become sufiiciently 
acquainted with the country to not be at a disadvantage 
in buying. He rented the farm until the following March, 
paying therefor the sum of thirty-five dollars, and agreeing 



336 



JOHN BKOWN 



to care for some live-stock still on the farm, belonging to 
the heirs. He gave as his name, Isaac Smith, and the 
transaction was made in the name of I. Smith & Sons. 

When the constitution was adopted in Chatham, Can- 
ada, a provisional government was formed and its officers 
elected: Captain John Brown was made Commander-in- 
chief; John Henri Kagi was elected Secretary of War;_ 
Richard Realf, Secretary of State; and Owen Brown, 
Treasurer. This government was not to become fully op- 
erative until after the invasion of Virginia and a consid- 
erable number of slaves had been liberated, when it was 
to be proclaimed in the fastnesses of the Appalachians — 
in the inaccessible, abrupt and wooded hills of the Blue 
Ridge ranges. It was never intended to be the govern- 
ment of any body of people in Canada, but was to be 
the fundamental law of Brown's men and the accessions 
to their body in Virginia and other Southern States. His 
plans contemplated an advance from Harper's Ferry, 
south, through the rugged hills, ultimately into the very 
heart of the slave territory. A guerrilla warfare was to 
be waged against slave-owners ; slaves were to be liberated, 
armed, and turned against their masters, who were to 
be kidnapped and only restored to freedom upon their 
manumission and release of a stipulated number of slaves. 
Forts were to be established at points difficult of access 
and favorable for defense; these were to be in charge of 
armed men, and as near one another as circumstances de- 
manded, — at first some five miles intervening. The de- 
scent upon the plantations was to be made from these 
fortified camps ; their location was to be made known to 
such slaves as could be safely intrusted with the informa- 



THE KENNEDY FARM 337 

tion, and were to serve as asylums or posts of refuge for 
the slaves who from any cause fled from any master. 
Slavery was declared by Brown to be a state of war be- 
tween master and slave, consequently any armed force in 
the interest of the slave was entitled by the rules of war 
to support from the enemy if it could be seized. On 
this theory and this alone did he forcibly take horses, im- 
plements, arms and food from the slave-owners and their 
allies in Kansas and Missouri. In this battle against 
slavery in the Appalachians he expected to prey upon 
the masters for food and all other supplies necessary 
for the maintenance of this warfare and for the welfare 
of those he liberated. 

John Brown believed that the little garrisons of these 
mountain forts could resist largely superior forces, and if 
defeated that they could make their way through the path- 
less woods to another station. He expected that blood- 
hounds would be placed on his trail in these forays upon 
the plantations, but he believed they could be killed, 
and that the pursuit would not be pressed by the planters. 
He believed he might persuade the planters, or some of 
them, to assist him and cooperate with him when he had 
made slaveholding unprofitable because of the uncertainty 
of value and insecurity of property in slaves. It was his 
hope to eventually extend his provisional government over 
all the hill-country of the South, — from Harper's Ferry 
to Alabama, maintain his position, and carry this guerrilla 
warfare successfully forward until the abolition of slavery 
should be accomplished. 

The original plans of Brown did not contemplate such 

attacks as he afterwards made upon Harper's Ferry. 
—22 



338 JOHN BROWN 

While the movement was to be inaugurated at that point, 
the attack upon the town and capture of the Federal prop- 
erty there were perhaps not included in the original de- 
sign. The forts were to be established in the peaks and 
crags and the warfare commenced bj silent and swift 
movements and sudden retreats similar to his forays into 
Missouri. The mystery surrounding his movements, the 
uncertainty of the extent of the conspiracy, the sudden 
and unexpected development and appearance of it, and 
the number engaged in it, would have been mighty factors 
in its favor. While it is certain that he never could have 
succeeded as he hoped, he might have accomplished much. 
The value of the Appalachians for such purposes was 
recognized by General Washington, who declared that if 
he was defeated on the Atlantic seaboard he would retire 
to these mountains and continue the war. Brown's deter- 
mination to attack Harper's Ferry was an error, but this 
action led ultimately to the accomplishment of all he had 
hoped for, although in a very different way from what he 
expected. It was the inauguration of a new and different 
manner of fighting slavery. It so widened the breach 
that compromise was impossible — really the first great 
practical step in the battle for emancipation. It is prob- 
able that an examination of the highlands in the imme- 
diate vicinity revealed no sites for forts to his liking. 
It was September before he spoke to his men of any 
modification of his plans, and first to his son Owen. But 
Frederick Douglass visited him at Chambersburg in Au- 
gust, at his request. Brown made known to him his 
change of purpose and his intention to attack the town 
of Harper's Ferry as the opening or initial blow of his 



THE KENNEDY FABM 339 

campaign against slavery in its own country. Douglass 
tried to dissuade him, but in vain. Brown urged Douglass 
to join him in the campaign, but Douglass declined to 
take any part in it. All of Brown's men opposed the new 
order, and so much was urged against it that John Brown 
resigned as Commander-in-chief, though he was immedi- 
ately reelected. From that time, opposition to the attack 
upon the town and the seizure of the Federal property 
ceased, and the new plan was acquiesced in. 

The Government received warning of the intended in- 
vasion of Virginia for the purpose of creating insurrec- 
tion among the slaves about the 25th of August, but it 
seems that little attention was given this communication 
conveying the information, as it was anonymous.^ And 
the country had some intimation of what might shortly 
take place, but neither the Government nor the public 
comprehended these warnings nor heeded them in the 
least,^ And when the blow descended, the country was 
as much surprised as if nothing had been publicly said 
of an insurrection. 

The little band at the Kennedy farm grew slowly. Ad- 
ditions arrived singly, or by twos and threes. Oliver 
Brown's wife and Anne, the daughter of John Brown, 
were brought from North Elba to prevent suspicion, which 
might (and did) arise at sight of so many strange men on 
the farm. The women were to keep watch, and warn of 
danger. The men remained in the upper story of the large 
house during the day, where they drilled and studied the 
science of war. Sometimes they read, but time went 
heavily with them by day ; at night they descended from 
their loft to walk about the fields and over the hills. 



340 JOHN BEOWN 

Sometimes the girls gathered autumn wild-flowers and 
made nosegays, which they sent aloft to cheer the weary 
hours of the grim and waiting warriors. When at the 
farm John Brown went to church, and held converse with 
his neighbors when he saw them. He spent much time 
on the road to and from Chambersburg. He was often at 
Harper's Ferry, and soon gained a perfect knowledge of 
the surrounding country.^ He even visited the armory 
and gun-factory. 

The men composing John Brown's army of invasion 
were from various places. A brief sketch of them must 
here suffice. 

1. John Brown, Commander-in-chief. 

2. Watson Bkown, Captain. Son of John Brown. 

3. Oliver Brown, Captain. Son of John Brown. 

4. Owen Brown, Captain and Treasurer. Son of 
John Brown. 

5. William Thompson. Son of Koswell Thompson; 
born in New Hampshire, in August, 1833. Married in 
the fall of 1858 to Mary Brown, who was not related to 
the family of John Brown. His sister Isabel was mar- 
ried to Watson Brown; and Henry Thompson, his elder 
brother, was married to Kuth, the daughter of John 
Brown.* 

6. Dauphin Thompson. Brother of William Thomp- 
son. Lieutenant. Was born April 17, 1838. He was 
"very quiet, with fair, thoughtful face, curly blonde hair, 
and baby-blue eyes." Slain at Harper's Ferry. 

7. John Henry Kagl Born March 15, 1835, in Bris- 
tol, Trumbull county, Ohio. His father had come from 
the Shenandoah Valley, in Virginia, to Ohio. He was 



THE KENNEDY FAKM 341 

cold in manner, rather coarse of fiber and rough in ap- 
pearance, an agnostic, and mentally the ablest man in 
John Brown's army. Was very brave and determined. 
Was a lawyer. When he was young his father went to 
California, but returned and settled on Camp creek in 
Otoe county, Nebraska. Came to Kansas in 1856, arriv- 
ing at Topeka July 4th, where he witnessed the dispersal 
of the Legislature by Colonel Sumner. Immediately 
identified himself with the Free-State forces, and became 
one of John Brown's most devoted followers. Bore the 
title of Secretary of War in the provisional government; 
next in command to John Brown; was adjutant. Slain 
at Harper's Ferry. 

8. Aakon Dwight Stevens. Born in Lisbon, !N^ew 
London county, Connecticut, March 15, 1831. His great- 
grandfather, Moses Stevens, was an ofiicer in the war of 
the Revolution, and his grandfather was a soldier in 
the War of 1812. Served through the Mexican War, 
and was honorably discharged. In 1851 he enlisted 
in the regular army, joining the regiment of dragoons 
commanded by Colonel Sumner, and served in the capa- 
city of bugler; in this service he was in Wyoming, Colo- 
rado, Kansas, JSTebraska, and New Mexico. Struck an 
oflScer for brutally punishing a comrade; was court- 
martialed and ordered to be shot, but his sentence was 
commuted to three years' imprisonment at hard labor. 
Escaped, and concealed himself in the Delaware Eeserve, 
from whence he came to Topeka early in 1856. He gave 
his name as "Charles Whipple," and served in the Free- 
State forces as Captain, where he was known as Captain 
Whipple. Met John Brown August 7, 1856, at the 'Ne- 



342 JOHN BROWN 

braska line, when Lane's Army of the North marched into 
Kansas. Became one of Brown's bravest and most devoted 
followers. He was an ideal soldier, six feet and three 
inches high, finely formed, of impressive appearance, very 
intelligent, and brave as a lion. Unmarried. Captured, 
and executed in the following March. 

9. John E, Cook. Born in Haddam, Connecticut, in 
1830. Of an old Puritan family which was quite wealthy. 
Five feet and seven inches in height, handsome, quick in 
movement, an incessant talker, blue-eyed, and had curly 
blonde hair. A devoted follower of Brown, though con- 
sidered indiscreet. Was the one man who believed that 
it was best to attack the town of Harper's Ferry. Was 
sent to that town in advance of others, and lived in the 
city. Passed much of his time in gathering information 
about slaves, and perhaps in communication with them, 
although this is denied by the family of Brown. It is 
reasonable to believe that he had found that the slaves 
would not rise at the first appearance of Brown, though 
he believed they would flock to the standard when the blow 
had been struck. Was married, and had wife and one 
child in Harper's Ferry up to within a month of the 
attack. One of his sisters married a Mr. Willard, who 
was, in 1859, Governor of Indiana. Cook escaped from 
Harper's Ferry, but was captured at Chambersburg, re- 
turned to Virginia, tried and convicted, made a confession, 
and was hanged. 

10. Chakles Plummek Tidd. Captain. Born in Pa- 
lermo, Waldo county, Maine, in 1832. Five feet nine 
inches high, strong and broad-shouldered. Dark eyes and 
beard, and black hair. Was sharp in retort, and over- 



THE KENNEDY FARM 343 

bearing. Came to Kansas in 1856. Was turned aside 
by the blockade of the Missouri river, and came into the 
Territory through Iowa and ISTebraska. Met John Brown 
and his sons, Owen and Oliver, at Tabor, Iowa. Was ever 
after a faithful follower of Brown, and was fully trusted 
by him. He and Cook were particularly warm friends. 
Opposed the attack on Harper's Ferry. Escaped, and en- 
listed in a Massachusetts regiment, in the Civil War, 
and died in service. 

11. William H. Leeman. Lieutenant. Was born in 
Maine March 20, 1839. In 1856 he determined to go to 
Kansas, and left Massachusetts in June of that year, in 
the party led by Dr. Cutter. Was turned back by the 
Missouri blockade, and found his way to Kansas through 
Iowa. Joined John Brown's Regulars, September 9, 
1856, and was thereafter one of his trusted followers. 
Was in the Springdale (Iowa) school of instruction. 
Slain at Harper's Ferry. 

12. Barclay Coppoc. Bom in Salem, Ohio, January 
4, 1839, of Quaker parents, who moved to Springdale, 
Iowa. Young Coppoc was in Kansas a short time in 1856. 
Drilled in the Springdale school. Although yoimg, he 
seems to have been trusted by John Brown. Escaped 
from Harper's Ferry, and was killed in a wreck on the 
Hannibal & St. Joseph Eailroad caused by rebels, who 
sawed the bridge timbers partly oif. 

13. Edwin Coppoc. Lieutenant. Born near Salem, 
Columbiana county, Ohio, June 30, 1835. Elder brother 
of Barclay Coppoo. Hung in Virginia December 16, 
1859. Was brave and generous, "honorable, loyal, and 
true." 



S44 



JOHN" BEOWN 



14. Albert Hazlett. Lieutenant. Born in Indiana 
county, Pennsylvania, September 21, 1837. Came to 
Kansas in 1857, perhaps as early as May. Located in 
Linn county, and was an ardent Free-State man. Was a 
follower of Montgomery. When John Brown appeared 
there he attached himself to the old hero's little baud, and 
was one of the men who went into Missouri to liberate 
the eleven slaves. Escaped from Harper's Ferry, but 
was captured near Chambersburg, and returned to Vir- 
ginia as William Harrison; tried there, and executed on 
the 16th of March, 1860. 

15. Jeeemiah G. Anderson. Lieutenant. Born in 
Putnam county, Indiana, April 17, 1833. His ancestors 
were officers in the War of the Revolution, and were Vir- 
ginians and slaveholders ; they removed to Kentucky, and 
from there to Wisconsin, and finally to Indiana. Ander- 
son came to Kansas in the fall of 1857, and purchased a 
claim on the Little Osage. He was a strong Free-State 
man, and bore his part in the troubles in southeastern 
Kansas. Killed at Harper's Ferry by a bayonet-thrust 
of one of the marines. ''One of the prisoners described 
Anderson as turning completely over against the wall [to 
which he was pinned by the bayonet] in his dying agony. 
He lived a short time, stretched on the brick walk without, 
where he was subjected to savage brutalities, being kicked 
in body and face, while one brute of an armed farmer spat 
a huge quid of tobacco from his vile jaws into the mouth 
of the dying man, which he first forced open." 

16. Francis Jackson Meeriam. Born ISTovember 17, 
1837, in Framingham, Massachusetts. His family had 
been for a previous generation opposed to slavery. Mer- 



THE KENNEDY FARM 



345 



riam came to Kansas, but seems to have borne little part 
in the struggle here, as he did not arrive before 1858. 
Was ardent in his desire to fight slavery, and solicited 
service under John Brown. Was educated; had some 
money. Escaped from Harper's Ferry after the attack; 
afterwards settled in Illinois, and enlisted in the Union 
army. Died November 28, 1865. 

17. Steward Taylor. Born in Uxbridge, in the prov- 
ince of Ontario, Canada, October 29, 1836. Left his home 
to go to Kansas, in his youth, but was seriously ill for 
some time in Missouri. After he recovered he visited Ar- 
kansas, and finally went to Iowa. Here he worked in a 
wagon factory, and became acquainted with George B. 
Gill, Esq., who introduced him to John Brown. From 
Iowa he went to Chatham, Canada, where he attended 
the convention which adopted the provisional constitution. 
After this he was one of John Brown's most ardent fol- 
lowers. Killed at Harper's Ferry. 

18. Shields Green. Fugitive slave from Charleston, 
S. C. Joined Brown at Chamber sburg, having come there 
with Frederick Douglass, August 19th; was known as the 
" Emperor," but how he obtained this name is not now 
known. Was very brave. Captured with John Brown, 
and executed December 16, 1859. 

19. Dangerfield ISTewby. Free negro, married to a 
slave woman living some thirty miles from Harper's 
Ferry. Became acquainted with Brown in Canada. Was 
killed at Harper's Ferry. His "wife was immediately 
sold to a dealer in Louisiana, and was living there some 
years since. 

20. John A. Copeland. Free negro; lived at Ober- 



346 JOHN BKOWN 

lin, Ohio. Seems to have been induced by friends there 
to join Brown, and was given money to pay his expenses 
to Chambersburg. Was captured, and executed on the 
16th of December, 1859. 

21. Lewis Shereard Leary. Free negro; married, 
and lived in Oberlin, Ohio. Said to have been the first 
Oberlin recruit to Brown's army. Was furnished money 
to go from Oberlin to Chambersburg, and accompanied 
John A. Copeland to that town. Was killed at Harper's 
Ferry. 

22. John Anderson. A free negro from Boston. 
Killed at Harper's Ferry. Nothing definite is known of 
this man. There is a question as to who he was, where 
he came from, — even that there was such a man in 
Brown's company. 

23. OsBORN P. Anderson. ISTegro; born free, in Penn- 
sylvania. Was a printer, and was working in Chatham, 
Canada, at his trade, when he met John Brown. Became 
one of his most devoted followers. Was a man of some 
ability, and of undoubted courage. Fought bravely at 
Harper's Ferry, and escaped. Afterw^ards he wrote an 
interesting account of the foray into Virginia, entitled 
"A Voice from Harper's Ferry." It is one of the most 
reliable and valuable accounts prepared of that invasion. 
Anderson enlisted in the Union army, and fought through 
the Civil War; he died in Washington City in 1871. 

Others had been expected; they did not arrive in time 
to take part in the attack. Some of the men afterwards 
said the assault was made some days before the time first 
fixed for it, and this prevented the assembling of the 
full force. John Brown, jr., wrote on the 8th of Sep tern.- 



THE KENNEDY FARM 347 

ber : " From what I even had understood, I had sup- 
posed you would not think it best to commence opening the 
coal-banhs before spring, unless circumstances should make 
it imperative" ^ It is very probable that the attack was 
hastened by some information which made Brown believe 
that to delay was to be fatal to his enterprise. Francis 
Jackson Merriam w^as the last accession to Brown's army 
to arrive at the Kennedy farm. 



Note 1. — The letter was directed to Jolin B. Floyd, Secretary of 
War. It is given, in full, in Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. 
Sanborn, p. 543. 

Note 2. — See Gerrit Smith's letter of August 27, 1859, published 
in full in Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, p. 544. 

Note 3. — Osborn P. Anderson's book, "A Voice from Harper's 
Ferry," is the best authority for the matters connected with the 
Kennedy farm. 

Note 4. — John Brown and His Men, Richard J. Hinton, is the 
best authority extant upon the men who went with John Brown to 
Harper's Ferry. What is here said of them is principally compiled 
from Colonel Hinton's valuable work. 



Note 5. — The correspondence between Brown and his men was 
worded in a blind way, which would not have betrayed them had a 
letter fallen into unfriendly hands. The people who unavoidably 
saw the pikes were led to believe they were parts of mining imple- 
ments. 



CHAPTEE XIII. 

THE SEIZURE OF HARPER'S FERRY. 



Our hearts are as nothing — our gashes and scars 

Are worn without boastings and sbammings: 
What have men who have climbed to the steeps of the stars 

To do with Earth's vauntings and claimings? 
But the Altars of Righteousness reared on the mounds 

Where our canonized heroes lie sleeping — 
Not a stone must be touched while the sun swings his rounds, 

And our sabers are still in our keeping! 

— Richard Realf. 

The 16tli of October, 1859, was Sunday. The day was 
cloudy and lowering, and the night brought darkness, cold, 
and finally rain. John Brown had returned from Phila- 
delphia during the previous Friday night. On Sunday 
morning "he arose earlier than usual, and called his men 
to worship." The day was a busy one. The men were 
assembled in council at ten o'clock, and for some time 
their enterprise was discussed. The constitution was 
read by Stevens, and those who had not done so before 
were sworn by Brown to support it and the new govern- 
ment they were about to undertake battle to establish. 
Commissions were given those officers who had not before 
received them. During the afternoon Brown formulated 
and published eleven orders for the present government of 
the men in their coming attack. It was a serious, solemn 
day, and each man realized that grave work lay ready to 

(348) 



THE SEIZUKE OF HAEPEr's FERKY 349 

his hand, the result of which would be fraught with mo- 
mentous consequences to himself and others. John Brown 
had looked for this day and prayed for its coming for a 
quarter of a century. ^Vhat it had for him he did not 
know; he was conscious of his own rectitude; and he held 
high and noble purposes, — for the result he was willing 
to trust God. 

At eight o'clock the men were ordered to arm them- 
selves, and were told that they were to proceed to the 
Ferry. Only twenty of the twenty-three went, for by the 
first of the eleven orders Owen Brown, F. J. Merriam and 
Barclay Coppoc were left at the farm to guard the arms 
until they could be removed to the school-house within 
two miles of the Ferry and on the Maryland side of the 
Potomac. The wagon was driven to the door, and some 
pikes, a sledge-hammer and a crowbar were placed in it. 
Then Brown ''put on his old Kansas cap," and climbed 
into the wagon ; after which he said to the men, who were 
ranked in marching order, "Come, boys." ^ He led the 
way to the main road, driving down the rugged path, the 
old wagon rattling over the road-worn stones, making a 
noise which sounded loud and harsh to the men, now 
wrought to high nerve-tension. The men marched in 
couples, each couple a given distance in the rear of that 
in advance, John E. Cook and Charles P. Tidd leading 
the column.^ It was the order that anyone met in the 
highway should be held until the column had passed on 
or the men had concealed themselves until the wayfarer 
could be conducted away from the line of march. If they 
were overtaken by a traveler the orders were the same. 
The lonely road, shut out from the dull light of the over- 



360 



JOHN BEOWN 



cast sky by the somber branches of beech and oak draped 
in autumn mists, proved to be solitary and unfrequented 
by nocturnal wanderers. The men were unmolested and 
undiscovered, and they marched in melancholy silence 
down to the bridge over the Potomac at Harper's Ferry. 
Harper's Ferry is built in the fork of the Potomac and 
Shenandoah rivers. The manufacturing portion of the 
town is along the river-banks. Here are two streets, one 
leading up each river. Back of these river streets the 
land rises abruptly to a considerable height, and forms a 
sort of uneven plateau, upon a part of which the residence 
portion of the town is situated. This plateau increases 
in height as it recedes from the junction of the rivers. 
At some points its sides are perpendicular, or even over- 
hanging, and a short distance up the rivers it rises to many 
times the height of the tallest buildings along the water's 
edge. The whole country bears the aspect of bold rugged- 
nesSj and the swift waters of the troubled rivers tumbling 
over stony and broken beds swirl together fiercely and 
lend a sense of savageness to the general visage of nature 
there. The bridge runs from the point between the rivers, 
with a doAvn-stream diagonal course to the Maryland side. 
There was a bridge across the Shenandoah, from the 
town to the bluffs on the opposite side. The armory was 
near the Virginia terminal of this bridge, with the rail- 
road between it and the Potomac river. The arsenal was 
a short distance up the Potomac, immediately on its bank, 
and between the railroad and the river. The rifle-works 
were on an island in the Shenandoah river, something 
like a half-mile from its junction with the Potomac, and 
that distance from the other Federal buildings. The 



THE SEIZURE OF HARPEr's FERRY 351 

engine-honse was a part of the arsenal and armory, al- 
though a little distance up the Potomac. The arsenal yard 
extended to the Shenandoah. There seems to have been 
a musket-factory something more than a quarter of a mile 
up the Potomac. 

It was the duty of John E. Cook and Charles P. Tidd 
to tear down or cut the telegraph wires on the Maryland 
side of the Potomac during the night, and to do the same 
on the Virginia side when the town was captured. When 
for this purpose they left the ranks of the advancing army, 
Kagi and Stevens remained in advance. These secured 
the watchman at the bridge, and when the little band en- 
tered this thoroughfare, covered and inclosed like a house, 
they strapped their cartridge-boxes outside their coats and 
unmasked their Sharps' rifles, which until now they had 
concealed. Watson Brown and Steward Taylor were di- 
rected to guard the bridge and hold it until morning, and 
until they were relieved. Brovm then drove his wagon to 
the gate of the armory ; he was accompanied by his four- 
teen remaining men, and they arrived at the armory gate 
about half-past ten o'clock. They forced the armory gate 
with a crowbar, ran into the building, and secured one of 
the watchmen there. Brown sent Kagi and Copeland to 
capture the rifle-works. They were successful, and cap- 
tured the watchmen at that place; they sent these to 
Brown, at the armory. The captured watchmen and 
bridge-guard were guarded by Jeremiah G. Anderson and 
the younger Thompson. Brown himself mounted guard 
at the armory gate, assisted by two men. Hazlett took 
possession of that part of the armory known as the arsenal. 
By one o'clock of Monday morning, the 17th, Brown had 



362 



JOHN BEOWIT 



complete possession of Harper's Ferrj and all the arms 
of the Federal Government then at that place; this was 
accomplished without firing a gnn or shedding blood. 
He then sent Stevens, Cook, and four others up the turn- 
pike towards Charlestown, to bring in Colonel Lewis W. 
Washington and his slaves. As thej started upon this 
errand the night mail train on the Baltimore & Ohio Kail- 
road came down the Potomac on its way from Wheeling 
to Baltimore. This train was stopped at the bridge by 
Watson Brown and Steward Taylor. This was the cause 
of the first bloodshed. The train porter, a free negro 
named Hayward, who lived at Harper's Ferry, went out 
to ascertain the cause of the arrest of the train and to 
search for the bridge-guard. When he appeared on the 
bridge he was halted by Brown's men, and instead of com- 
plying with this order he turned and fled. He was fired 
upon by Brown and Taylor, one shot striking him in the 
back; from the effect of this wound he died in a few 
hours. The train was detained until morning dawned. 
This was the first mistaken move of Brown at Harpers 
Ferry ; no wires should have been cut until this train was 
well out of the town toward Baltimore, and it should have 
been allowed to pass without any knowledge of Brown's 
presence at Harper's Ferry. 

In the gray light of the dull morning, which broke chill 
and damp, the expedition sent up the Potomac arrived 
with Colonel Washington and other slave-owners, and with 
the Colonel's large four-horse wagon. The Cavalier was 
met and welcomed by the stern old Puritan who had sent 
for him. " You will find a fire in here, sir ; it is rather 
cool this morning," was his greeting. The slaves brought 



THE SEIZURE OF HAKPEK S FEEEY 



353 



in were armed with pikes, but seem to tave done little to 
aid Brown.^ Some of them may have remained with him 
for a short time, but they evidently escaped as soon as 
possible. This was the first real disappointment of Brown. 
The slave-owners were added to the prisoners already held ; 
and the wagon in which they arrived was immediately 
dispatched to the Kennedy farm to remove the arms re- 
maining there to the school-house, two miles from the 
town, to be from there distributed to the slaves, who it 
was hoped would come in numbers to the aid of Brown as 
soon as they heard of the presence of the invaders. 

As the morning advanced the people began to move 
about the streets in pursuit of their daily vocations. As 
they appeared they were captured and taken to the ar- 
mory ; by ten o'clock these prisoners numbered some sixty. 
Many of them were workmen who came down to their 
daily toil in the armory and rifle-works. One was a bar- 
tender in a near-by hotel. Brown exchanged this man for 
breakfast for his men and prisoners. 

The train carried the news of an insurrection at Har- 
per's Ferry, and the startling intelligence that the town 
was in the hands of the rebels. From a military point 
of view Brown blundered constantly after he gained pos- 
session of the armory and town. The first mistake was 
the capture of the train; the second was to allow it to 
proceed. Brown said he did this to relieve the anxiety 
of passengers on the train and their relatives, as well as 
those of the men in charge of the train. To have made 
any sort of success Brown should have destroyed the Fed- 
eral buildings and arms, as well as the railroad and other 

bridges, and then have fled to the mountains. If he had 
—23 



354 



JOHN BROWN 



done this, his blow would have been surrounded with such 
mystery and followed by such destruction that, for a time, 
rumor, magnifying a thousand-fold his forces, pursuit 
would have been paralyzed. He could have escaped, and 
from his view the expedition would have been something 
of a success. His plans contemplated a quick abandon- 
ment of the town, and he was urged by Kagi, Stevens and 
others to comply with this understanding and agreement. 
Why he delayed to do so he did not himself know. He 
gave as his reason that he ''wanted to allay the fears of 
those who believed we came here to burn and kill." 'Tor 
this reason," he said, " I allowed the train to cross the 
bridge, and gave them full liberty to pass on. I did it 
only to spare the feelings of those passengers and their 
families, and to allay the apprehensions that you had got 
here in your vicinity a band of men who had no regard 
for life and property, nor any feelings of humanity." 
The real cause of his delay was the failure of the slaves to 
flock to his standard. He strained his eyes in vain for 
the sight of crowds of them flocking over the hills and 
along the valleys to take up arms for themselves. He de- 
layed in waiting for them until it was too late to escape. 
Perhaps he expected no general uprising; in fact, he says 
he did not expect or desire that ; but he certainly expected 
a very considerable accession of negroes to his ranks at 
Harper's Ferry. But his expectation was not reasonable. 
The slaves were unacquainted with him; they had not 
heard of him. The negro is suspicious, and the slaves had 
been ground down for centuries ; there was no widespread 
determination to fight for freedom, perhaps no thought of 
such determination. The war proved that the negro was 



THE SEIZURE OF HABPEr's FERRY 355 

not ripe for rising; the white man forced the issue which 
gave to the black man his freedom.* 

At noon, on Monday, it was barely possible for Brown 
to have escaped; after that his fate was fixed. Troops 
began to arrive. By one o'clock it was impossible for 
him to assemble his men, and it was necessary that each 
man fight from the position he then occupied; he could 
secure no other. Those in the arsenal just across the 
street from the engine-house could not join their leader; 
those on the Maryland side of the Potomac could not come 
to his assistance. By three o'clock Kagi and his compan- 
ions were forced to abandon the rifle-factory, and were all 
killed or captured. Militia and citizens were firing from 
every point of vantage. Colonel Robert E. Lee arrived 
from Washington at the close of the day, but only the 
engine-house remained in possession of the invaders at 
that time; this was defended by Brown and six men, two 
of whom were wounded. Hazlett and Osborn P. Ander- 
son yet remained in the arsenal, but could do nothing, and 
they finally escaped. Upon the arrival of Colonel Lee a 
flag of truce was sent to Brown, and his surrender de- 
manded. He replied "that he knew what that meant — a 
rope for his men and himself; adding, 'I prefer to die 
just here.'" This flag was carried in by Captain J.-E. 
B. Stuart, who had met Brown and detained him a short 
time in Kansas. Stuart recognized him, and from this 
meeting his identity became known. Stuart returned at 
daylight the following morning, but Brown had not 
changed his mind, and still answered, "' Xo ; I prefer to 
die here." Lee began his attack at once. The door failed 
to yield to the force of hammers, and a long ladder was 



366 JOHN BEOWN 

grasped bj its rungs by a file of men on eacli side of it; 
they battered down the door and pushed back the barri- 
cade against it. During this assault upon the door, Brown, 
seeing the hopelessness of further resistance, cried out that 
he surrendered. His assailants did not hear him, and per- 
haps their course would not have been changed if they had. 
A Lieutenant Green was the first to enter the engine- 
house, and was greeted with a shower of balls. Colonel 
Washington pointed out Brown ; he "sprang about twelve 
feet at him, giving an under-thrust of his sword, striking 
Brown about midway the body, and raising him com- 
pletely from the ground. Brown fell forward with his 
head between his knees, while Green struck him several 
times over the head, and, as I then supposed, split his 
skull at every stroke." ^ Brown was pinned to the ground 
with bayonets, one of which passed through his left kidney, 
and he was supposed to be dead. 

"The fight was over ; the work was done. John Brown 
was a prisoner, surrounded by politicians, soldiers, re- 
porters, and vengeful spectators. His son, Owen, with 
his followers, Cook, Tidd, Barclay Coppoc, and F. J. 
Merriam, as also Albert Hazlett and O. P. Anderson, on 
their own account, were fugitives. Of these. Cook and 
Hazlett were captured, tried, and executed. Stevens, 
Edwin Coppoc, Copeland and Shields Green were hung; 
while Oliver and Watson Brown, William and Dauphin 
Thompson, John H. Kagi, William Leeman, Steward 
Taylor, Lewis S. Leary, Jeremiah G. Anderson, and Dan- 
gerfield Newby were killed in combat or as prisoners." ^ 

John Brown had failed because he departed from his 
well-matured plans. He erred when he determined to 



THE SEIZURE OF HARPEr's FERRY 357 

abandon the plan of twenty years and make the attack. 
When the attack was made, some success might have en- 
sued had he kept to his design to abandon the town soon 
after daylight. By a few minutes past noon all possibility 
of even escape was gone. All that could then be done was 
to fight to the end, and desperately and grimly did he 
do this. Colonel Washington bore witness to his bravery. 
Governor Wise said, "And Colonel Washington said that 
he — Bro^\Ti — was the coolest man he ever saw in defying 
death and danger. With one son dead by his side, and 
another shot through, he felt the pulse of his dying son 
with one hand and held the rifle with the other, and 
commanded his men with the utmost composure, encourag- 
ing them to be firm, and to sell their lives as dearly as 
possible." When John Brown was carried out and placed 
in the yard with the dead and dying, it seemed that 
he had failed. For a day or two he may have feared so 
himself ; but this did not long continue. 

" God moves in a mysterious way, 

His wonders to perform ; 
He plants his footsteps in the sea, 

And rides upon the storm." 

He was enabled to see God's hand. "All our actions, 
even all the follies that led to this disaster, were decreed 
to happen, ages before the world was made," he said. 
When the scaffold was erected before his eyes he saw 
it erected in God's mercy and in the execution of His 
plans. He saw that the journey of his life had been di- 
rected to it by One that was mightier than he. That 
unto him it was now to be given to die a martyr for 
humanity, for his brother, for the poor, the despised, the 



358 JOHN BROWN 

bondman, the oppressed. Such an exceeding weight of 
glory is apportioned to few men in this world. He saw 
the scaffold baptized in the blood of brave men fighting 
by his side, and as it arose it was consecrated by the 
groans and tears of children and mothers and fathers 
wailing in a bitter thralldom. He had faithfully labored 
in the vineyard of his Master, and now his reward was 
come, and a greater reward than has fallen to many other 
men. 



Note 1. — The pamphlet of Osborn P. Anderson is the best author- 
ity that I find on the closing days of Brown and his men at the 
Kennedy farm, and also of the events which took place at Harper's 
Ferry. He saw what he wrote, and while it gives us the impression 
that the slaves came to Brown's aid, this may be pardoned in one who 
was writing of the first struggle of the new revolution for the libera- 
tion of his race. Anderson seems to have been a brave man, as in- 
deed were all the men who followed Brown to Harper's Ferry. He 
was ready and willing to die for his own people, if his death were 
required. 

Note 2. — Their work was to destroy the telegraph lines, and when 
these were reached and they left the column for that purpose, Ste- 
vens and Kagi were left in the front. 



Note 3. — Speaking of the suitability of the spear or pike for a 
weapon for the negro, General Benjamin F. Butler said: 

"Reverting to the subject of arming the negroes, I said to him 
that I thought it might be possible to start with a sufficient num- 
ber of white troops, and avoiding a march which might deplete 
their ranks by death and sickness, to take them in ships and land 
them somewhere on the Southern coast. These troops could then 
come up through the Confederacy, gathering up negroes, who could 
be armed at first with arms that they could handle, so as to defend 
themselves and aid the rest of the army in case of rebel charges upon 
it. In this way we could establish ourselves down there with an army 
that would be a terror to the whole South. 



THE SEIZURE OF HARPEE's FEKEY 359 

"He [the President] asked me what I would arm them with. I 
told him John Brown had intended, if he got loose in the moun- 
tains of Virginia, to arm his negroes with spears and revolvers; 
and there was a great deal in that. Negroes would know how to 
use those arms, and Southern troops would not know how to meet 
their use of them, and they could be easily transported in large num- 
bers and would require no great expense or trouble in supplying 
ammunition. 

" 'That is a new idea. General/ said he. 

" 'No, Mr. President,' I answered, 'it is a very old one. The 
fathers of these negroes themselves, fought their battles in Africa 
with no other weapon save a club.' " — "Butler's Book," Benjamin 
F. Butler, p. 519. 

Note 4. — It is not meant to say here that the negro acted in any 
different manner than would any other enslaved race. Nor is it 
meant to say that he had not the courage to fight. After the war 
began he fought for his freedom as he had the opportunity. But 
the war for his liberation was of the white man's creation, and due 
in small degree to any effort of the black man, though Douglass 
and others did all they could, and aided much the cause. 



Note 5. — Statement of Captain Dainger field, one of Brown's 
prisoners, published in most of the biographies of Brown. This is 
quoted from Life and Letters of John Broum, F. B. Sanborn, p. 559. 



Note 6. — John Brown and His Men, Richard J. Hinton, p. 307. 



The details of the fight of Virginia against Brown and his men 
are too long for insertion here; space forbids it. Colonel Hinton's 
work, above referred to, is one of the best in this respect. 



CHAPTER XIV. 

TRIAL OF CAPTAIN JOHN BROWN. 



Portia. Why, this bond is forfeit; 

And lawfully by this the Jew may claim 
A pound of flesh, to be by him cut off 
Nearest the merchant's heart. — Be merciful: 
Take thrice thy money; bid me tear the bond. 

Shylock. When it is paid according to the tenour. — 
It doth appear you are a worthy judge; 
You know the law; your exposition 
Hath been most sound: I charge you by the law, 
Whereof you are a well-deserving pillar, 
Proceed to judgment. By my soul I swear. 
There is no power in the tongue of man 
To alter me. I stay here on my bond. 

Antonio. Most heartily do I beseech the court 
To give the judgment. 

Portia. Why then, thus it is: 

You must prepare your bosom for his knife. 

Shylock. O noble judge! excellent young man! 

Portia. For the intent and purpose of the law 
Hath full relation to the penalty 
Which here appeareth due upon the bond. 

Shylock. 'Tis very true. wise and upright judge! 
How much more elder art thou than thy looks! 

Portia. Therefore lay bare your bosom. 

Shylock. Ay, his breast; 

So says the bond — doth it not, noble judge? — 
Nearest his heart; those are the very words. 

Portia. You, merchant, have you anything to say? 
Antonio. But little; I am arm'd and well prepar'd. — 
— Shakespeare's "Merchant of Venice.' 
(360) 



TRIAL OF CAPTAIN JOHN BROWN 



361 



Jolin Brown was immediately closely questioned. "No 
mistake can be charged to him after his capture. His 
mind cleared at once; his duty to humanity and himself 
stood out distinct and clearly defined. Doubts and hesi- 
tation fled. His statements and avowals were frank, very 
full, and very ingenious. I^o man ever said more pre- 
cisely what he intended to say than did John Brown to 
his inquisitors in Virginia. Interrogators were numerous 
and of all ranks, and they came at all times, both by night 
and by day. Governor Wise, shortsighted, and with no 
understanding at all of what this foray meant, stood in 
the presence of one of the heroes of the ages with mind 
now cleared by the revelation of God's purpose, and re- 
ceived plain and simple statements which it took four 
years of war to make him understand. Vallandigham^ 
the pusillanimous, slimy, cringing demagogue and malig- 
nant blatherskite, the Ohio doughface, hurried to Har- 
per's Ferry, broke in abruptly upon the wounded man, 
interrupted the Southern inquisitors, bullied the old hero 
for a short time, and retired in discomfiture but with the 
hope that his zeal for the slave-owners had been noted, 
and that he should be rewarded by them when they 
should come to distribute the offices. Having no fixed 
principles, nor the remotest conception of right, honor 
and truth, he could have no comprehension of an action 
growing out of a deep conviction of justice and a desire 
to sacrifice even one's life for the benefit of humanity. 
He evidently expected guarded and reluctant replies from 
Brown, or perhaps a refusal to talk. Then he could have 
said to the Virginians, " Here is a great mystery. The 
people of the North, and especially of Ohio, are implicated 



362 JOHN BKOWN 

witliout exception other than the Democratic party. I 
join hands with you in meting out political punishment.'' 
But nothing was concealed. Brown was anxious to talk — 
anxious to have his intentions fully known. Strange 
man! — incomprehensible! The more he explained his 
intentions the more did he befog the mediocres and the 
doughface. 

In the long interview he was literally weltering in his 
blood. His wounds had not been dressed, and he believed 
himself near death by reason of them. But he was cour- 
teous, affable, kind, explicit, sublime. 

A bystander. Do you consider this a religious move- 
ment ? 

Brown. It is, in my opinion, the greatest service man 
can render to God. 

Bystander. Do you consider yourself an instrument in 
the hands of Providence ? 

Brown. I do. 

Bystander. Upon what principle do you justify your 
acts. 

Brown. Upon the Golden Rule. I pity the poor in 
bondage that have none to help them : that is why I am 
here; not to gratify any personal animosity, revenge, or 
vindictive spirit. It is my sympathy with the oppressed 
and the wronged, that are as good as you, and as precious 
in the sight of God. ... I want you to understand 
that I respect the rights of the poorest and weakest of the 
colored people, oppressed by the slave system, just as much 
as I do the most wealthy and powerful. That is the idea 
that has moved me, and that alone. We expected no reward 
except the satisfaction of endeavoring to do for those in 
distress — the greatly oppressed — as we would be done by. 
The cry of distress, of the oppressed, is my reason, and the 
only thing that prompted me to come here.^ 



J 



TRIAL OF CAPTAIN- JOHN BEOWN 363 

"Never before, in the United States, did a recorded con- 
versation produce so sudden and universal a change of 
opinion. Before its publication, some, who subsequently 
eulogized John Brown with fervor and surpassing elo- 
quence, as well as the great body of the press and people 
who knew not the man, lamented that he should have gone 
insane, — never doubting that he was a maniac; while, 
after it, from every corner of the land came words of won- 
der, of praise rising to worship, and of gratitude mingled 
with sincerest prayers for the noble old hero. Enemies 
and friends were equally amazed at the carriage and say- 
ings of the wounded warrior. 'During his conversation,' 
wrote a Southern pro-slavery reporter to a Southern pro- 
slavery paper, 'no signs of weakness were exhibited. In 
the midst of enemies whose home he had invaded ; wound- 
ed and a prisoner ; surrounded by a small army of officials 
and a more desperate army of angry men ; with the gallows 
staring him full in the face. Brown lay on the floor, and, 
in reply to every question, gave answers that betokened the 
spirit that animated him. The language of Governor Wise 
well expresses his boldness when he said : "He is the gam- 
est man I ever saw." I believe the worthy Executive had 
hardly expected to see a man so act in such a trying mo- 
ment."' " 

" 'Such a word as insane,^ said an eloquent speaker, un- 
consciously uttering the opinion of the people of the North 
'is a mere trope with those who persist in using it ; and I 
have no doubt that many of them, in silence, have already 
retracted their words. Bead his admirable answers to 
Mason and others. How they are dwarfed and defeated by 
the contrast! On the one side, half-brutish, half-timid 
questioning; on the other. Truth, clear as lightning, crash- 
ing into their obscure temples. They are made to stand as 
Pilate or Gessler and the Inquisition. Probably all tlie 
speeches of all the men whom Massachusetts has sent to 



364 



JOHN BEOWN 



Congress for the last few jears do not match, for manly di- 
rectness and force, and for simple truth, the few casual re- 
marks of John Brown on the floor of the Harper's Ferry 
engine-house, — that man whom you are about to send to 
the other world; though not to represent you there. He 
is too fair a specimen of a man to represent the like of us. 
Who, then, were his constituents ? Read his words under- 
standingly, and you will find out. In his case there is no 
idle eloquence. Truth is the inspirer and earnestness the 
polisher of his sentences. He could afford the loss of his 
Sharps' rifle while he retained the faculty of speech — a 
rifle of far straighter sight and longer range." ^ 

Some people profess to believe that John Brown was 
insane. There is no evidence anywhere that he was insane 
or mentally deranged. Replying to this imputation, he 
himself said : "I may be very insane ; and I am so, if insane 
at all. But if that be so, insanity is like a very pleasant 
dream to me. I am not in the least degree conscious of my 
ravings, of my fears, or of any terrible visions whatever; 
but fancy myself entirely composed, and that my sleep, in 
particular, is as sweet as that of a healthy, joyous little 
infant." ^ One of the most eloquent men ever in Kansas 
public life says : "All men who rise to the height of purest 
patriotism and absolute unselfishness, who are ready to die 
for their principles, have been charged in their day and 
age as impractical, and mentally unbalanced. This is said 
of Luther, Melanchthon, and Columbus, and inventors like 
Fulton, Morse, Howe, and even of our own Edison. It is 
the explanation mediocrity offers for greatness." * 

John Brown and his men were captured on the property 
of the United States, by the United States marines, but 



TEIAL OF CAPTAIN JOHN BROWN 



365 



they were left to be dealt with by the State of Virginia. 
On the 19th of October, Brown, Stevens, Coppoc and 
Shields Green were conveyed to Charlestown, the county 
seat of Jefferson county, Virginia, (now in West Virginia.) 
The formal committal occurred on the 20th, upon charges 
sworn to by Governor Wise and two other witnesses, ac- 
cusing them of "feloniously conspiring with each other; 
and other persons unknown, to make an abolition insurrec- 
tion and open war against the Commonwealth of Virginia." 
A writ was issued to the sheriff, commanding him to sum- 
mon and convene a preliminary court of examination on 
the 25th. At half-past ten o'clock on that day the court 
assembled. It consisted of eight persons, — justices of the 
peace, — and was presided over by a Colonel Davenport. 
The prisoners were brought in, "presenting a pitiable sight, 
Brown and Stevens being unable to stand without assist- 
ance." Brown's eyes were almost closed from the inflam- 
mation caused by his wounds ; his hearing was so impaired 
that he could hear but indistinctly, and was unable to 
gather the words or even the import of his judges or his 
counsel. The only man with a comprehension of what was 
taking place in that Virginia court was John Brown. He 
was not deceived with promises of a fair trial. He said — 
"Virginians : I did not ask for quarter at the time I was 
taken. I did not ask to have my life spared. The Governor 
of the State of Virginia tendered me his assurance that 
I should have a fair trial; but under no circumstances 
whatever will I be able to attend to my trial. If you seek 
my blood, you can have it at any moment without this 
mockery of a trial. . . If we are to be forced with a mere 
form, — a trial for execution, — you might spare yourselves 



366 



JOHN BEOWN 



that trouble, I am ready for my fate. I do not ask a trial. 
I beg for no mockery of a trial — no insult — nothing but 
that which conscience gives or cowardice would drive you to 
practice. I ask again to be excused from the mockery of a 
trial. I do not know what the special design of this ex- 
amination is. I do not know what is to be the benefit of it 
to the Commonwealth. I have now little further to ask, 
other than that I may be not foolishly insulted, only as 
cowardly barbarians insult those who fall into their 
power." ^ He did not ask that his fate be different from 
what he knew it must. His only concern was that his 
objects and intentions should be clearly and truthfully 
shown. 

The court presented an indictment against Brown, con- 
taining three counts, as follows : 

Conspiracy with slaves for the purpose of insurrection; 
Treason against the Commonwealth of Virginia ; and 
Murder in the first degree. 

The trial was set for the following day, October 26th. 
The attorney for the Commonwealth charged that he was 
feigning sickness, to obtain delay and gain time. On the 
report of the jail surgeon that he could endure the ordeal, 
the trial was ordered to proceed. The court assigned him 
counsel, two resident members of the bar. The North sent 
counsel for Brown, but no expectation of fairness was 
entertained by him, and his attorneys had no hope of 
accomplishing anything in his favor.^ He took little inter- 
est in the matter, but lay on his pallet with his eyes closed 
most of the time. When his attorneys thought to benefit 
his case by filing a plea of insanity in his behalf, he 
"raised himself up in bed" and repelled it with scorn and 



TRIAL OF CAPTAIN JOHN BEOWN 367 

indignation. John Brown was one of the sanest men that 
ever lived. He said : ''I will add, if the court will allow 
me, that I look upon it as a miserable artifice and pretext 
of those who ought to take a different course in regard to 
me, if they took any at all, and I view it with contempt 
more than otherwise. As I remarked to Mr. Green, insane 
prisoners, so far as my experience goes, have but little 
ability to judge of their own sanity; and if insane, of 
course I should think I knew more than all the rest of the 
world. But I do not think so. I am perfectly unconscious 
of insanity, and I reject, so far as I am capable, any at- 
tempts to interfere in my behalf on that score." "^ 

When the Commonwealth had closed. Brown asked a 
short delay, and this was refused. Thereupon his Virginia 
counsel deserted him. Attorneys from the North arrived, 
and assumed control of the defense. But no one expected 
that anything would come of efforts to get him justice. 
The cause was given to the jury late in the afternoon of 
Monday, October 31st, and after an hour's deliberation 
a verdict was returned of guilty as charged in the indict- 
ment. 

John Brown said not a word. 

On the second day of November he was brought into 
court to hear his sentence. "He still walked with difficulty, 
every step being attended with evident pain. His features 
were firm and composed, but within the dimly lighted court 
room, showed wan and pallid. He seated himself near 
his counsel, and resting his head upon his hand, remained 
motionless, apparently the most unheeding man in the 
room. He sat upright with lips compressed, looking direct 
into the chilled stern face of the judge as he overruled the 



368 



JOHN BROWN 



exceptions of counsel. When directed by the clerk to 
say '-why sentence should not be passed upon him/ John 
Brown rose slowly to his feet, placing his hands on the table 
in front of him, and leaning slightly forward, in a voice 
singularly quiet and self-controlled, with tones of marked 
gentleness and a manner slow and slightly hesitating, made 
this memorable speech." * 

"I have, may it please the court, a few words to say : In 
the first place, I deny everything but what I have all along 
admitted, — the design on my part to free the slaves. I 
intended certainly to have made a clean thing of that mat- 
ter, as I did last winter, when I went into Missouri and 
took slaves without the snapping of a gun on either side, 
moved them through the country, and finally left them in 
Canada. I designed to have done the same thing again, 
on a larger scale. That was all I intended. I never did 
intend murder, or treason, or the destruction of property, 
or to excite or incite slaves to rebellion, or to make insur- 
rection. 

"I have another objection : and that is, it is unjust that 
I should suffer such a penalty. Had I interfered in the 
manner which I admit, and which I admit has been fairly 
proved (for I admire the truthfulness and candor of the 
greater portion of the witnesses who have testified in this 
case), had I so interfered in behalf of the rich, the power- 
ful, the intelligent, the so-called great, or in behalf of any 
of their friends, — either father, mother, brother, sister, 
wife, or children, or any of that class, — and suffered and 
sacrificed what I have in this interference, it would have 
been all right; and every man in this court would have 
deemed it an act worthy of reward rather than punish- 
ment. 

''This court acknowledges, as I suppose, the validity of 
the law of God. I see a book kissed here which I suppose is 



TRL\L OF CAPTAIN JOHN BROWN 369 

the Bible, or at least the New Testament. That teaches me 
that all things whatsoever I would that men should do 
to me, I should do even so to them. It teaches me further, 
to 'remember them that are in bonds, as bound with them.' 
I endeavored to act up to that instruction. I say, I am yet 
too young to understand that God is any respecter of per- 
sons. I believe that to have interfered as I have done — as I 
have always freely admitted I have done — in behalf of His 
despised poor, was not wrong, but right. Now, if it is 
deemed necessary that I should forfeit my life for the fur- 
therance of the ends of justice, and mingle my blood fur- 
ther with the blood of my children and with the blood of 
millions in this slave country whose rights are disregarded 
by wicked, cruel, and unjust enactments, — I submit; so 
let it be done. 

''Let me say one word further. 

"I feel entirely satisfied with the treatment I have re- 
ceived on my trial. Considering all the circumstances, it 
has been more generous than I expected. But I feel no 
consciousness of guilt. I have stated from the first what 
was my intention, and what was not. I never had any de- 
sign against the life of any person, nor any disposition to 
commit treason, or excite slaves to rebel, or make any 
general insurrection. I never encouraged any man to do 
so, but always discouraged any idea of the kind. 

"Let me say, also, a word in regard to the statements 
made by some of those connected with me. I hear it has 
been stated by some of them that I have induced them to 
join me. But the contrary is true. I do not say this to 
injure them, but as regarding their weakness. There is not 
one of them but joined me of his own accord, and the 
greater part of them at their own expense. A number of 
them I never saw, and never had a word of conversation 
with, till the day they came to me ; and that was for the 
purpose I have stated. 

"Now I have done ! " » 

—24 



370 JOHN BEOWN 

Note 1. — This is only a short quotation from the conversation. 
It was reported and published by the newspapers; perhaps the New 
York Herald had the best report of it. Much of it can be found in 
The Life of Captain John Brown, by James Redpath ; and in Life and 
Letters of John Brown, by F. B. Sanborn. 



Note 2. — Life of Captain John Brown, James Redpath, p. 275. 



Note 3. — John Brown, in a letter to Hon. D. R. Tilden, Novem- 
ber 28, 1859, from the Charlestown jail, quoted here from Life and 
Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, p. 609. 



Note 4. — Lecture on John Brown, J. K. Hudson, Topeka. 



Note 5. — Associated Press report; quoted here from John Brown 
and His Men, Richard J. Hinton, p. 339. 



Note 6. — George Henry Hoyt, of Boston ; Mr. Chilton, of Washing- 
ton; Judge Griswold, of Cleveland, Ohio. George Sennott, of Bos- 
ton, defended the other prisoners. 



Note 7. — Quoted from Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. San- 
born, p. 574. 

Note 8. — John Brown and His Men, Richard J. Hinton, p. 362. 



Note 9. — Quoted from John Brown and His Men, Richard J. Hin- 
ton, p. 362. 



CHAPTER XV. 

COURT TO SCAFFOLD. 



I cannot remember a night so dark as to have hindered the com- 
ing day, nor a storm so furious or dreadful as to prevent the return 
of warm sunshine and a cloudless sky. But, beloved ones, do re- 
member that this is not your rest, — that in this world you have no 
abiding-place or continuing city. 

— John Brown, to his Wife and Children, 

So far as can now be determined, it is believed that 
John Brown was well pleased to have his trial ended. He 
expected no different result. There was no disappointment 
in the verdict for John Brown. He knew from the first 
that surrender or capture meant "a. rope for his men and 
himself," and for that reason he preferred to die with gun 
in hand. It was impossible for Virginia to have dons 
differently with John Brown. The old hero knew this. 
While he seems to have made no distinction between the 
forays into Missouri and Virginia, they were, in nature, 
entirely different. It was his purpose to have remained in 
Virginia or other Southern States. He attacked, captured, 
and tried to hold the town of Harper's Ferry, or portions 
of it. He was guilty of conspiracy. He invaded Virginia. 
He slew Virginians. He sent flags of truce and demeaned 
himself as a soldier, and he complained when he was not 
accorded the rights of an enemy in civilized warfare. No 
State can suffer the invasion of its soil by a hostile armed 

(371) 



372 JOHN BROWN 

force. Such a violation must be punished ; such invasion 

suppressed. Otherwise the dignity of the State passes 
away and authority disappears. It has always been held 
that such offenses against States should be sternly and re- 
lentlessly dealt with. In this instance it was imperative 

-that Virginia do promptly one of two things — execute 
John Brown and his companions, or free her slaves. 
There could be no evasion, no hesitation; there was no 
escape. And while the trial of Brown was unfair, it was 
as fair as he expected, and as fair as he had reason to 
except. Perhaps, after all, there was very little violence 
done the precedents of judicature in the disposition of 
political prisoners, or of persons who have assailed polit- 
ical institutions; such trials have never been in exact 
accord with law. It was not reasonable for John Brown 
to expect to escape punishment by Virginia. When he 
said surrender meant "a rope for himself and men," he 
certainly expected to pay with his life the full penalty 
which he knew Virginia would exact. Brown complained 
that his execution was to be judicial murder. This con- 
clusion must have been reached after the deep contempla- 
tion of the injustice done him by the non-observance and 
non-accord of all the legal rights he felt himseK entitled 
to in his trial. But this conclusion can scarcely be con- 

- curred in. Virginia's action was legally right and mor- 
ally wrong. The motto of sovereignty has always been : 

"You must not think 
That we are made of stuflf so flat and duU 
That we can let our beard be shook with danger. 
And think it pastime." 

In the state of public opinion prevailing in Virginia 



COURT TO SCAFFOLD 373 

and the entire South, Virginia could not adopt abolition 
for her slaves. For a quarter of a century the popularity 
of the institution had been increasing in that portion of 
the United States where it existed, and the aggressions of 
the slave-power upon the free territory of the country 
remaining unpeopled was one of the causes of Brown's 
presence at Harper's Ferry. And while the execution of 
John Brown was thus not left to the discretion of Vir- 
ginia, the saving of the institution of slavery for the 
time being by this act only postponed the day when the 
fetters would fall from all the slaves. And this day was 
made more and more inevitable by the very act upon which 
the lease of life of the institution temporarily hung. Vir- 
ginia was compelled to hang John Brown to preserve 
slavery, but his death did more to forward universal eman- 
cipation than his life could ever have accomplished had he 
had all the successes he hoped for. And while Slavery 
legally executed John Brown, it could not escape the con- 
sequences of that act. It acted by virtue of accredited 
authority and recognized enactments, which, though ever 
so wrong in spirit, must be the rule of action for state 
and municipality until repealed. John Brown struck at 
the root of the wrong. He acted upon the eternal prin- 
ciples of justice; he brought these principles into con- 
flict — active and aggressive conflict — \vith an accredited 
wrong and an evil and injustice which existed by author- 
ity. Such has been the burden borne by every reformer 
in all the ages. The task has been this — only this — 
nothing more. And it has almost invariably required the 
blood of the reformer to cause his reformation to take 
root. " Without the shedding of blood there is no re- 



374 JOHN BKOWN 

mission," has been the law of human progress. If there 
was any one great truth, universal in its application, 
known to Brown, it was the principle contained in this 
text. So, when the scaffold rose before his eyes, he saw 
in the temporary victory of Slavery over the powers he 
had succeeded in setting against it its ultimate defeat and 
annihilation. He spent the remaining days allowed him 
in laying broad and deep the lines of this conflict, which 
he saw was inevitable, and which it was given him to 
see would end in a triumph for justice and the principles 
he had devoted his life to forwarding, and for which he 
gladly and joyously went to the scaffold. 

"Christ saw fit to take from me the sword of steel 
after I had carried it for a time, but He has put another 
in my hand, C^the sword of the Spirit;') and I pray God 
to make me a faithful soldier wherever He may send 
me— not less on the scaffold than when surrounded by 
my warmest sympathizers," he wrote to his old teacher. 
With the new weapon given him he continued to fight to 
the end. The forces of his new warfare ranged themselves 
under his command, and from the time of his arraign- 
ment until his execution he suffered no defeat, but enjoyed 
victory every hour. He had anticipated all the cost, what- 
ever occurred. In the letter above referred to he says: 
"And before I began my work at Harper's Ferry, I felt 
assured that in the worst event it would certainly pay.'' 
Thus was he enabled to go back to his dungeon in the 
spirit of a conqueror ; he had looked at the gallows before 
he began his work, and the scaffold had no terrors for him. 
The ancient precept of the Brown family, "An old man 
should have more care to end life well than to live 



i 



COURT TO SCAFFOLD 



375 



long/' was exemplified in liini. Ilis work, he was in 
faith, would bear much fruit in the realm of slavery ; " I 
have many opportunities for faithful plain-dealing with 
the more powerful, influential, and intelligent classes in 
this region, which I trust are not entirely misimproved," 
he wrote. The spirit in which he entered the new field is 
well exemplified in the reply to a Quaker lady who wrote 
him expressing her sympathy for his condition: ''And 
may the Lord reward you a thousand fold for the kind 
feeling you express toward me; hut more especially for 
your fidelity to the 'poor that cry, and those that have no 
help.' For this I am a prisoner in bonds. It is solely 
my own fault, in a military point of view, that we met 
with our disaster. I mean that I mingled with our pris- 
oners and so far sympathized with them and their families 
that I neglected my duty in other respects. But God's 
will, not mine, be done. You know that Christ once 
armed Peter. So also in my case I think He put a sword 
into my hand, and there continued it so long as He saw 
best, and then kindly took it from me. I mean when I 
first went to Kansas. I wish you could know with what 
cheerfulness I am now wielding the 'sword of the Spirit' 
on the right hand and on the left. I bless God that it 
proves 'mighty to the pulling down of strongholds.' " 
And to his brother he wrote : " I am quite cheerful in 
view of my approaching end, — being fully persuaded that 
I am worth inconceivably more to hang than for any 
other purpose." 

He was loaded with fetters — chained to the floor of 
his prison. Armed guards walked before his dungeon- 
door day and night, and they had orders to shoot him 



376 



JOHN BROWN 



at once upon anj attempt at rescue. He was wounded and 
sick ; his time to live was limited to a month. He had no 
expectation that it would be extended a minute ; the effort 
for a new trial he regarded as a mere froth of "attorney- 
logic." He was without education ; of rhetoric he knew 
nothing. But the world waited for his every sentence, and 
the words most sought for and hung upon came from the 
prison at Charlestown, and not from the temple of justice 
there, nor from the Governor's mansion in Kichmond. His 
words stirred the North. He was known before he went 
to Harper's Ferry; after his imprisonment there, and 
his condemnation, his name was upon every tongue. Be- 
fore, they knew him as a brave soldier fighting ruffianism 
in Kansas; now, they saw him stand as a martyr for the 
poor. " I feel just as content to die for God's Eternal 
Truth, and for suffering humanity's, on the scaffold as 
in any other way; and I do not say this from any disposi- 
tion to ^brave it out.' No; I would readily own my 
wrong, were I in the least convinced of it." In this spirit 
he spent his last days : " Under all these terrible calami- 
ties, I feel quite cheerful in the assurance that God reigns 
and will overrule all for His glory and the best possible 
good. I feel no consciousness of guilt in the matter, nor 
even mortification on account of my imprisonment and 
irons." He encourages his family in this same letter: 
" Never forget the poor, nor think anything you bestow 
on them to be lost to you. . . . Kemember them that 
are in bonds as bound with them. . . . ' These light 
afilictions, which are but for a moment, shall work out 
for us a far more exceeding and eternal weight of glory.' " 
And he adds in the postscript: "Yesterday, November 2, 



COURT TO SCAFFOLD 377 

I was sentenced to be hanged on December 2, next. Do 
not grieve on mj account. I am still quite cheerful." 

His wife desired very much to visit him. This he at 
first opposed, on account of the feeling against him in 
Charlestown and the fear that she would be insulted and 
insolently treated. But on the 16th of November he 
wrote : " If you feel sure that you can endure the trials 
and the shock which will be unavoidable (if you come), 
I should be most glad to see you once more. ... If 
you do come, defer your journey till about the 27th or 
28th of this month." 

John Brown rejoiced that " he was counted worthy to 
suffer in God's cause." He wrote to T. B. Musgrove: 
"Men cannot imprison, or chain, or hang the soul. I go 
joyfully in behalf of millions that ^have no rights' that 
this great and glorious, this Christian Republic 'is bound 
to respect.' Strange change in morals, political as well as 
Christian, since 1776 ! I look forward to other changes to 
take place in God's good time, fully believing that 'the 
fashion of this world passeth away.' " This was his con- 
stant theme. He wrote his cousin, the Rev. Luther Hum- 
phrey : " I suppose I am the first since the landing of 
Peter Brown from the ' Mayflower' that has either been 
sentenced to imprisonment or to the gallows. But, my 
dear old friend, let not that fact alone grieve you. You 
cannot have forgotten how and whore our grandfather 
fell in 1776, and that he, too, might have perished on the 
scaffold had circumstances been but a very little different. 
The fact that a man dies under the hand of an executioner 
(or otherwise) has but little to do with his true character, 
as I suppose. John Rogers perished at the stake, a great 



378 



JOHN BROWN 



and good man, as I suppose; but his doing so does not 
prove that any other man who has died in the same way 
was good or otherwise. . . . No part of my life has 
been more happily spent than that I have spent here ; and 
I humbly trust that no part has been spent to better pur- 
pose. I would not say this boastingly, but thanks be unto 
God, who giveth us the victory through grace. 

" I should be sixty years old were I to live to May 9, 
1860. I have enjoyed much of life as it is, and have been 
remarkably prosperous, having early learned to regard the 
welfare and prosperity of others as my own. I have never, 
since I can remember, required a great amount of sleep ; 
so that I conclude that I have already enjoyed full an 
average number of working-hours with those who reach 
their threescore years and ten. I have not yet been driven 
to the use of glasses, but can see to read and write quite 
comfortably. But more than that, I have generally en- 
joyed remarkably good health. I might go on to recount 
unnumbered and unmerited blessings, among which would 
be some very severe afflictions, and those the most needed 
blessings of all. And now, when I think how easily I 
might be left to spoil all I have done or suffered in the 
cause of freedom, I hardly dare to wish another voyage, 
even if I had the opportunity." 

There were matters of concern to him now (about the 
20th of November) taking place in and about Charles- 
town. Incendiary fires destroyed buildings almost every 
night. And Governor Wise Avas in daily receipt of threat- 
ening letters. John Brown had no friends in the vicinity 
of Charlestown, but he felt sure that it would be charged 



COURT TO SCAFFOLD 



379 



that his friends caused the fires. They were doubtless 
kindled by persons who desired to keep the people in a 
frenzy against the invaders, that a rescue or a pardon 
would be impossible. Some foolish and mistaken friend 
in the jSTorth may have written letters of ominous import 
to Governor Wise, but no one regretted it so much as did 
John Brown. 

He retained his interest in the affairs of the little farm 
in the gloomy woods of the l^orth, and complains that 
they do not write him whether any of their crops had ma- 
tured or not. His thoughts were never of himself : "I have 
no sorrow either as to the result, only for my poor wife and 
children," he wrote a minister, jSJ"ovember 23d. And to 
this minister he also wrote, " You may wonder. Are there 
no ministers of the gospel here ? I answer, No. There 
are no ministers of Christ here. These ministers who 
profess to be Christian, and hold slaves or advocate slav- 
ery, I cannot abide them. My knees will not bend in 
prayer with them while their hands are stained with the 
blood of souls." He said to the others that the prayers of 
such ministers were an abomination to his God. 

It was made known to John Brown before he died 
that friends would aid in the education of his children. 
When consulted about this matter he always made prac- 
tical replies, and was never once tempted to suggest for 
them anything more than the useful. The industrious 
housewife is the foundation upon which rests the Repub- 
lic, not upon the women of fashion, wealth, ease and 
leisure. These care for nothing but vanity. They are the 
butterflies of our country, and are entirely useless. But 
the wife who bears and brings up children, who cooks 



380 JOHiSr BEOWN 

their food, designs their clothing, weeps with them, prays 
with them, rejoices with them, carries them and their 
troubles in her own life day by day, — she is the founda- 
tion-stone of American liberty. On this subject he wrote : 
" I feel disposed to leave the education of my dear children 
to their mother, and to those dear friends who bear the 
burden of it; only expressing my earnest hope that they 
may all become strong, intelligent, expert, industrious. 
Christian housekeepers. I would wish that, together with 
other studies, they may thoroughly study Dr. Franklin's 
' Poor Richard.' I want them to become matter-of-fact 
women," 

John Brown's wife visited him; she was permitted to 
eat dinner with him in his cell. His body was delivered 
to her after his execution. 

There is little more to be said, John Brown died as 
he had lived — brave, and free from fear of any kind. 
On the morning of his execution he took a tender but 
cheerful farewell of his companions in bonds and in 
arms. He gave them each a small coin, except Hazlett. 
He visited Stevens last: "Good-by, Captain," he said; 
''I know you are going to a better land." "I know I am," 
replied Brown. 

John Brown was put into a furniture wagon, in which 
was his own black-walnut coffin; the jailer, Mr. Avis, 
who had been very kind to Brown, and the driver, a man 
named Hawks, being the other occupants. The wagon 
was surrounded by cavalry, which escorted it to the field 
where the gallows was standing, something like half a mile 
away. Here there were a large number of soldiers going 
through military maneuvers, and assembled to prevent 



COURT TO SCAFFOLD 



381 



the rescue of Brown. He was calm, perfectly self-pos- 
sessed. He was asked if he thought he could endure the 
ordeal, and replied, " I can endure almost anything but 
parting from friends; that is very hard." In speaking 
of fear, on the road to the scaffold, he said : " It has 
been a characteristic of me, from infancy, not to suffer 
from physical fear. I have suffered a thousand times 
more from bashfulness than from fear." " You are a 
game man. Captain Brown," said an attendant. He re- 
plied, "Yes, I was so trained up ; it was one of the lessons 
of my mother ; but it is hard to part from friends, though 
newly made." " You are more cheerful than I am. Cap- 
tain Brown," said his friend. The stern old hero replied, 
" Yes, I ought to be." 

The wagon halted at the scaffold, and the troops opened 
file. Brown descended from the wagon, saluted the Mayor 
and Mr. Hunter, and ascended the scaffold stairs. I shall 
let an eye-witness describe the execution. 

" His demeanor was intrepid, without being braggart. 
. . . John Brown's manner gave no evidence of tim- 
idity. He stood upon the scaffold but a short time, giving 
brief adieus to those about him, when he was properly 
pinioned, the white cap drawn over his face, the noose 
adjusted and attached to the hook above, and he was 
moved, blindfolded, a few steps forward. It was curious 
to note how the instincts of nature operated to make him 
careful in putting out his feet, as if afraid he would walk 
off the scaffold. The man who stood unblenched on the 
brink of eternity, was afraid of falling a few feet to the 
ground ! 

" Everything was now in readiness. The sheriff asked 



383 



JOHN BROWN 



the prisoner if hie should give him a private signal before 
the fatal moment. He replied, in a voice that soimded to 
me unnaturally natural, — so composed was its tone, and 
so distinct its articulation, — that ^it did not matter to him, 
if only they would not keep him too long waiting.' He 
was kept waiting, however; the troops that had formed 
his escort had to be put into their proper position, and 
while this was going on he stood for some ten or fifteen 
minutes blindfolded, the rope about his neck, and his feet 
on the treacherous platform, expecting instantly the fatal 
act ; but he stood for this comparatively long time upright 
as a soldier in position, and motionless. I was close to 
him, and watched him narrowly, to see if I could detect 
any signs of shrinking or trembling in his person, but 
there was none. Once I thought I saw his knees tremble, 
but it was only the wind blowing his loose trousers. His 
firmness was subjected to still further trial by hearing 
Colonel Smith announce to the sheriff, ' We are all ready, 
Mr. Campbell.' The sheriff did not hear or did not com- 
prehend, and in a louder tone the same announcement was 
made. But the culprit still stood steady until the sheriff, 
descending the flight of steps, with a well-directed blow 
of a sharp hatchet severed the rope that held up the trap- 
door, which instantly sank sheer beneath him. He fell 
about three feet; and the man of strong and bloody hand, 
of fierce passions, of iron will, of wonderful vicissitudes, 
the terrible partisan of Kansas, the capturer of the United 
States Arsenal at Harper's Ferry, the would-be Catiline 
of the South, the demi-god of the abolitionists, the man 
execrated and lauded, damned and prayed for, the man 
who, in his motives, his means, his plans, and his sue- 



COURT TO SCAFFOLD 383 

cesses, must ever be a wonder, a puzzle and a mystery, 
John Brown, was hanging between heaven and earth.'' 

This was written by J. T. L. Preston, of the Military 
College of Lexington, Virginia, a few hours after the exe- 
cution. He adds : " In all that array there was not, I 
suppose, one throb of sympathy for the offender. Yet the 
mystery was awful — to see the human form thus treated 
by men — to see life suddenly stopped in its current, and 
to ask one's self the question without answer, 'And what 
then.?' " 

John Brown's body was taken to North Elba. As it 
was lowered into the grave the preacher repeated the 
words of Paul: 

" I have fought the good fight ; I have finished my 
course ; I have kept the faith : henceforth there is laid up 
for me a crown of righteousness, which the Lord, the 
righteous Judge, shall give me; and not to me only, but 
unto all that love His appearing." 



The South always maintained that the attack on Har- 
per's Ferry was the beginning of the Civil War. On 
March 30th, 1860, Victor Hugo wrote: 

" Slavery in all its forms will disappear. What the 
South slew last December was not John Bro\\Ti, but Slav- 
ery. Henceforth, no matter what President Buchanan 
may say in his shameful message, the American Union 
must be considered dissolved. Between the North and the 
South stands the gallows of Brown. Union is no lon^'er 
possible : such a crime cannot be shared." 

John A. Andrew was the war Governor of Massachu- 
setts. When John Brown was executed he said of him: 



384 



JOHN BEOWN 



" Whatever may be tliought of John Brown's acts, John 
Brown himself was right." 

The world acquiesces in the verdict thus rendered, and 
accepts it as true. 

MURAT HALSTEAD'S DESCRIPTION OF THE EXECUTION 
OF JOHN BROWN. 
[This sketch was written by the eminent journalist, Murat 
Halstead, for the New York Independent. It was published in the 
Topeka Mail and Breeze, December 9, 1898.] 

The execution of John Brown was on the second of 
December, 1859; the scene, in a field a furlong south of 
Charlestown, seven miles from Harper's Ferry. The sen- 
sation caused by the John Brown raid was something won- 
derful. The excitement of the whole country was out of 
all proportion to the material incidents. The shock was 
because the feeling of the people that the slavery question 
had reached an acute stage and demanded uncompromising 
attention, was general, and there was apprehension that 
there were conditions upon the country of ''unmerciful 
disaster" — a public sensibility that an immense catas- 
trophe was impending. 

As a correspondent of the Cincinnati Commercial, to 
write the story of the hanging of old John Brown, I car- 
ried letters from Dr. Dandridge, cousin of Colonel Wash- 
ington, to that gentleman, and from the Hon. George H. 
Pendleton, to the superintendent of the Harper's Ferry 
rifle-works of the United States. On the journey I fell 
in with the Baltimore police scouts, who by command of 
the Governor of Virginia had explored "the abolition 
counties of Ohio" in search of military organizations, 



COURT TO SCAFFOLD 385 

made up in violation of the peace and dignity of the 
United States, for '^another raid on Virginia." 

When we reached Harper's Ferry the station was in the 
hands of the military, and I was driven about at the point 
of the bayonet for some time before finding a place to 
stand and wait a few minutes. There was a hole ragged 
with splinters at the corner of the station-house, con- 
structed of plank, but put together Avith tongue-and-groove, 
said to mark the course of "the ball from a yager with 
which old Brown killed a man." Inside Brown's fort, 
was a plain red stain on the whitewashed brick wall, the 
blood of Brown when, overpowered, he was wounded with 
a cutlass and thrust down with a strong hand. There was 
a curved red streak and a few long hairs where the gashed 
head of the old man had been rubbed against the whit- 
ened bricks. The superintendent of the rifle-works was 
a cautious official. He took a member of the Legislature 
of Pennsylvania and myself in his carriage, and putting 
on a belt with two revolvers we were driven along a good 
turnpike through a pleasant country to the county seat, 
where Brown was tried and was the next day to be exe- 
cuted. By the roadside there were marks of fire, the 
burning of stacks, and the explanation, " The niggers have 
burned the stacks of one of the jurors who found Brown 
guilty." There was no reference to the fact that the su- 
perintendent took his pistols with him for a daylight drive 
over seven miles of turnpike through a highly cultivated 
country. That was taken as a matter of course. There 
was greater alarm among the people of Virginia than could 
be accounted for by comparison with the experience of 

communities into which the slave element did not enter. 
—25 



386 JOHN BEOWN 

It was doubtless that deep sense of insecurity that widened 
into awful alarms at the suggestion of slave insurrections 
— the fact that society was permeated with stories of West- 
Indian wars of races, especially the traditions, more terri- 
ble than history, of the San Domingo horrors. The town, 
then and always to be distinguished as the place of the 
trial of John Brown, and his death, was crowded with the 
troops of Virginia, and there was a marked absence of the 
people of the surrounding country. The uniforms of the 
militia of Virginia were as various as the companies were 
numerous. There was no uniformity of dress or weapons. 
There w^ere a troop of cavalry, a battery of field guns, and 
about two thousand infantry, the whole under the com- 
mand of General Taliaferro, whose headquarters were at 
the Washington House. There was the palpable excite- 
ment of conscious history-making, and trifling incident-^ 
magnified by common consent. 

The fact about myself best known was that I had a 
letter from Dr. Dandridge to Colonel Lewis Washington, 
and one from George H. Pendleton to the Harper's Ferry 
superintendent. My connection with an "abolition news- 
paper" was quite subordinated, but there were many in- 
quiries as to my "views" of the John Brown raid, and I 
did not insist upon attempting to vindicate the old farmer, 
so suddenly and strangely a world's hero. Indeed, the 
close contact with the events of the raid made it difficult 
to resist the impression that Brown was an unbalanced 
man^ one whose exaltation was akin to insanity. The 
philosophy, the philanthropy, the martyrdom, the religion 
of humanity, the spiritual sanctification, and immense 
romantic and tragic interpretations placed upon the raid 



i 



COURT TO SCAFFOLD 



387 



of " The Man of Osawatomie" bj Victor Hugo and Ralph 
Waldo Emerson, the latter declaring that "the gallows was 
made glorious like the cross," had in the immediate pres- 
ence of the miserable skirmishing and the shedding of the 
blood of men who were, by all the customary tests, kindly 
disposed to be orderly, neighborly, humane, become ob- 
scure, belonging to the sentimental, the imaginative, and 
the impossible. 

Late in the evening Mrs. Brown arrived in a dingy 
hack, escorted by the horsemen who became knov^n in the 
war that was on two years later as '^the Black Horse Cav- 
alry." As the carriage approached the jail the artillery, 
which had been arranged on either side of the door, was 
trundled across the street and turned about, the muzzles 
open-mouthed upon the prison. There was much parade 
and shuffling of military figures in the execution of this 
maneuver, and then Mrs. Brown was taken to her hus- 
band's cell, Avhen he was reported to have repeated to her 
often the admonition, '' Kj dear, you must keep your 
sperrets up" — "sperrets" pronounced as here spelled ; but 
a very strict and close guard was kept upon the pair. 

As the evening wore on. General Taliaferro was seated 
surrounded by his staff, in the public room of the hotel. 
A young man, tall and lithe, and wearing a military dress, 
rushed up to him and said hurriedly in my hearing: 
'* General, I am told, sir, and believe, tliat Henry Ward 
Beecher is coming here to-morrow to pray on the scaffold 
with old Brown, and I pledge you my word if he does he 
shall be hanged along with Brown." The General stared 
coldly and said with deliberation and severe dignity: 
" If ]\Ir. Bccchcr comes, as you say, I pledge my word of 



38^8 JOHN BROWN 

honor, sir, that while I live not a hair of his head shall be 
harmed, sir; not one hair of his head shall be harmed." 
On the morning of the execution the troops were early 
stirring. The murmur of camps filled the air. There 
were no visitors trailing along the roads, to be witnesses of 
the solemn function. It was forbidden. The people far 
and near were ordered to be alert at home. Therefore, 
when the hollow square of the military companies was 
formed about the scaifold there was not even a fringe of 
civil spectators. There were reporters, surgeons, three or 
four politicians of distinction, and one woman on the roof 
of a house nearly a quarter of a mile distant. The Hon. 
James M. Ashley was in the town with Col. Henderson of 
Kansas, and introduced him as "the worst of the border 
ruffians," an announcement usually received with appro- 
bation of the humor in it and of the fact also. Ashley had 
just dropped in from the West, and was held to be of those 
interested in the care of Mrs. Brown and her Quaker es- 
cort from Philadelphia. A story has been largely circu- 
lated that as Brown left the jail he kissed a colored child, 
and there are paintings and poetry to that effect. When 
he stepped out of the prison there was not a group other 
than military in sight. I was not on the spot at the mo- 
ment, but saw the street before the jail filled with guns 
and soldiers and horses, staff officers and officials, and no 
one else during the morning. I had walked, before Brown 
came out, to the vicinity of the scaffold where the militia 
companies were marching into the positions assigned them. 
The most striking horseman on the field. Turner Ashley, 
galloped around bearing orders and giving directions, 
mounted on a spotted stallion with a wonderful mane and 



COUKT TO SCAFFOLD 389 

tail, flowing like white silk from neck and nimp, almost 
sweeping the ground. The Colonel and his horse — and the 
horsemanship of the Colonel was worthy his steed — were a 
gallant show. Ashley was killed in battle, defending for 
his State the Valley of the Shenandoah. There seemed to 
be no attainable end of the evolution of the troops in prep- 
aration for the ceremony. I distinctly remember in the 
movement the gaunt, severe figure of an officer whose com- 
maml was a company of bright boys. It was the contrast 
between the stern man and the gay youths that formed a 
picture for me, and I heard the word as they passed — 
" Lexington Cadets." The man was Prof. Jackson, later 
the Confederate hero, " Stonewall." 

The day was extremely beautiful and mild. The highly 
cultivated farms, the village, the broad landscape, browned 
by the frosts of November, framed in the ranges of the 
Blue Ridge — blue indeed, a daintily defined wall, of a 
blue shade more delicate than the sky. Though it was 
"the day of Austerlitz" as the days of the season are 
marked, the clover in the stubble was green, and the 
ground so warm and dry the reporters reclined upon it 
with comfort and exchanged observations in the spirit of 
levity with which the representatives of the press relieve, 
when witnesses of true tragedies, the strains upon their 
vitality. 

The procession from the jail to the scaffold was bril- 
liant. The General commanding had a staff more re- 
splendent than that of Field Marshal Moltke and King 
William, when they rode together over their battlefields 
in France. Old John Brown was seated on his coffin in 
the bed of a wagon, of the fashion farmers call a wood 



390 JOHN BROWN" 

wagon, an open body and no cover. He wore a battered 
black slonch hat, the rim turned squarely up in front, 
giving it the aspect of a cocked hat. This was that his 
vision might not be impeded, and he looked with evident 
enjoyment upon the country, saying it was the first time 
he had the pleasure of seeing it. His words were repeated 
at the time. The man I saw as he was in the wagon and 
as he was helped upon the scaffold — he had about a 
dozen steps to ,ascend — his arms pinioned by ropes at the 
elbows, tied firmly, so that his hands were free while the 
upper arms were bound at his waist. He wore a baggy 
brown coat and trousers, and red carpet slippers over blue 
yarn socks, and stood firmly but in an easy attitude on the 
trap-door, that was sustained by a rope. Then a stout 
white cord of cotton, provided by some cotton planters who 
thought there was propriety in it — something symbolical 
in it — was placed over the iron-gray, sturdy head, the 
noose dropped easily around his neck and tightened so that 
it would not slip, but so as not to give physical discomfort. 
The face of the old man was toward the east, the morning 
light on it, and the figure perfectly in dress and pose, and 
all appointments, that of a typical Western farmer — a 
serious person upheld by an idea of duty — the expression 
of his features that of a queer mingling of the grim, and, 
to use a rural word, the peart. The white cap was pulled 
down, and still the troops were moving, falling into a 
hollow square — a formation that had not been rehearsed. 
This became tedious. Brown asked that there should be 
no delay. The suspense was distressing, and from the 
ascent of the scaffold to the fall of the trap and the sharp 
jerk upon the white cord, the time was nearly eighteen 



COUKT TO SCAFFOLD 391 

minute?. This was not, though often stated, with the pur- 
pose of torture, but the deLay of the military to get into 
assigned places. Brown's hands gave the only sign of 
emotion that possessed him. He was rubbing his thumbs 
hard but slowly on the inside of his forefingers, between 
the first and second joints, as one braces himself with a 
nervous grasp upon the arms of a dentist's chair when a 
tooth is to be drawTi. It is no wonder Brown asked the 
sheriff about the waiting. There was deep stillness as 
the form of the victim plunged six feet and the rope 
twanged as its burden lengthened a little and shivered. 
Then the body began to whirl as the cord slackened and 
twisted, and the rapid movement caused the short skirts of 
the coat to flutter as in a wind. About a quarter of an 
hour was spent by the surgeons climbing the stairs and 
hohling the suspended body to their ears, listening to see 
if the heart continued to act. One of the reporters was 
moved to say, as if he had prepared a deliverance and 
was getting it off contrary to a better judgment, ''Gentle- 
men, the honor of old Virginia has been vindicated." 
There was no response to the sentiment. 

The road to Harper's Ferry was soon filled with car- 
riages at high speed. There was dust flying. In the yard 
of a farm-house were a half-dozen lads playing soldier, 
one beating a small drum. This was the highway along 
which more than any other surged to and fro the armies of 
the Nation and the Confederacy. Colonel Washington, 
while on General Lee's staff, was killed in western Vir- 
ginia by an Indiana sharpshooter, and I remember well 
his stately presence, not unworthy to represent the name 
he bore, and his courtesy and kindness to one who repre- 



392 



JOHN BROWiSr 



sented a newspaper and held there was no cause more 
sacred in the world than that of the freedom of the Terri- 
tories and the extinction of slavery; and the death of 
Ashley, Pate and Wise seemed a grievous sacrifice of man- 
hood. 

Something more than ten years later, August, 1870, in 
eastern France, I was with the German invaders of the 
fair land of Lorraine, and one day as I looked upon a 
division of the Grand Army of the Red Prince, a mon- 
strous mass of men with the spikes of their helmets and 
their bayonets glittering over them under a vast tawny 
cloud of dust, I heard with amazement a deep-throated 
burst of song in English, and it was : 

"John Brown's body is moldering in the ground, 
But his soul is marching on. 

Glory, Hallelujah!" 

The German invaders often sang magnificently while 
marching. German soldiers in our army in the war 
of the States returning to the Fatherland to fight the 
French taught their comrades the splendid marching-song 
which the legions of the ^orth sang along the historic 
highways of Virginia, that Father Abraham's boys were 
coming and the soul of John Brown was marching on. 
There is a bust of gold of Brown, presented his widow by 
Victor Hugo, in the State Museum at Topeka, Kansas, 
shown by the venerable superintendent, with an apology, 
for it is a bad portraiture of the Hero of Osawatomie 
and martyr of Harper's Ferry, It is the only likeness 
of him giving the chief characteristic of his countenance 
on the morning of his last day that I have seen, except in 
the sketches taken for Harper's Weekly on the spot, by 



COURT TO SCAFFOLD 



393 



Porte Crayon. The French makers of the golden bust 
must have caught the keen lines of this artist's pencil, 
showing tlie weirdness that had crept into Brown's strong 
face when his eyes beheld unearthly scenes, his mind wan- 
dering in the regions on the boundary of tw^o worlds — he 
must have seen cloud-capped domes not rounded by human 
hands — invisible by mortal eyes unless introspectively. 
One wonders whether the old farmer, as he waited on the 
scaffold, could have beheld as in a dream — as one sees 
at night in stormy darkness, when there is a flame of 
lightning, a misty mountain-top — a vision incredible, but 
not unsubstantial, of his own apotheosis and immortality. 



SENATOR INGALLS ON JOHN BROWN. 

The following quotation is from the article prepared 
by Senator John James Ingalls for the North American 
Revieiu. After reviewing the sublime sayings of John 
Brown, Senator Ingalls says : 

" What immortal and dauntless courage breathes in this 
procession of stately sentences; what fortitude; what pa- 
tience ; what faith ; what radiant and eternal hope ! JSTo 
pagan philosopher, no Hebrew prophet, no Christian 
martyr, ever spoke in loftier and more heroic strains than 
this "coward and murderer,"* who declared, from near 
the brink of an ignominious grave, that there was no 
acquisition so splendid as moral purity; no inheritance 
so desirable as personal liberty; nothing on this earth 
nor in the world to come so valuable as the soul, whatever 
the hue of its habitation; no impulse so noble as an un- 

*Thl8 article was written In reply to one published by David N. Utter, In which 
Mr. Utter had called John Brown a " coward and murderer." 



394 



JOHN BROWN 



conquerable purpose to love truth, and an invincible deter- 
mination to obey God. 

''Carljle says that when any great change in human 
society is to be wrought, God raises up men to whom that 
change is made to appear as the one thing needful and 
absolutely indispensable. Scholars, orators, poets, phi- 
lanthropists, play their parts, but the crisis comes at last 
through some one who is stigmatized as a fanatic by his 
contemporaries, and whom the supporters of the systems 
he assails crucify between thieves or gibbet as a felon. 
The man who is not afraid to die for an idea is the most 
potential and convincing advocate. 

"Already the great intellectual leaders of the move- 
ment for the abolition of slavery are dead. The student 
of the future will exhume their orations, arguments, and 
state papers, as a part of the subterranean history of the 
epoch. The antiquarian will dig up their remains from 
the alluvial drift of the period, and construe their relations 
to the great events in which they were actors. But the 
three men of this era who will loom forever against the 
remotest horizon of time, as the pyramids above the voice- 
less desert, or mountain-peaks over the subordinate plains, 
are Abraham Lincoln, Ulysses S. Grant, and Old John 
Brown of Osawatomie." 



'My task is done — my song hath ceased — my theme 
Has died into an echo; it is fit 
The spell should break of this protracted dream. 
The torch sliall be extinguish'd which hath lit 
My midnight lamp — and what is writ is writ. — 

Farewell! a word that must be, and hath been — 

A sound which makes us linger; — yet — farewell! 

Ye! who have traced the pilgrim to the scene 

Which is his last, if in your memories dw€ll 

A thought which once was his, if on ye swell 

A single recollection, not in vain 

He wore his sandal-shoon and scallop-shell ; 

Farewell ! with him alone may rest the pain 

If such there were — with you, the moral of his strain! 



(395) 



INDEX. 



Abbott, Captain James B., sent for by Captains Brown and Shore, 
260; marches to Black Jack; arrives after the battle is over, 261; 
is visited by John Brown with his fugitives, 328. 

Abolitionists, attitude of the South toward, 54; sentiment against 
in Missouri, 71. 

Adair, the Rev. S. L., settlers on the Pottawatomie flee to the house 
of, 167 ; wives and children of the sons of John Brown go to the 
house of, 180, 252. 

Adams, Calvin, 69. 

Adams, Henry J., notified by the border ruflfians to leave Leaven- 
worth, 75. 

Adams, Martin, 69. 

Allison, Young E., characterization of the Southern "poor whites," 
177. 

Ambrose, William H., estimate of G. W. Brown, 243. 

American Conflict, The, by Horace Greeley, quoted, 66, 113, 114, 115, 
116, 117, 118. 

Anderson, Jeremiah G., sketch of, 344; goes to Harper's Ferry with 
John Brown, 335; set to guard prisoners at Harper's Ferry, 351; 
slain at Harper's Ferry, 356. 

Anderson, John, sketch of, 346. 

Anderson, Osborn P., sketch of, 346; unable to assist John Brown, 
355; escape of from Harper's Ferrj-, 356; book written by, 358. 

Andrew, Governor John A., conclusion of as to John Brown, 383. 

Annals of A'anms, by D. W. Wilder, quoted, 67, 71, 77, 147, 148, 331. 

Anthony, Colonel D. R., address of, quoted from, 141. 

Armstrong, John, obligations of the author to, 19; account of con- 
cerning the death of Major David Starr Hoyt, 293. 

Association, The Platte County Self-Defensive, 71. 

Atchison, Senator David R., leads Missourians to Kansas Territory 
in Woodson's War of Extermination, 298. 

Bailey, Judge L. D., letters of, quoted, 173. 

Baldwin, Rev. David, indicted for conspiracy, 156; sketch of, 175; 
desire of Henry Sherman to kill, 181. 

Barber, Oliver P., visited Kansas in May, 1854, 68. 

Barber, Thomas W., visited Kansas in May, 1854, 68. 

Beecher, Rev. Henry Ward, pronounces a Sharps' rifle one of the 
moral agencies of the times. 132; threatened with death if he 
attempted to pray on tlie scaffold with John Brown; General 
Taliaferro declares that he shall l)e protected, 387. 

(397) 



398 



JOHN BROWISr 



Benjamin, , partner of Theodore Weiner; warned by the Doyles 

and other ruffians to leave the settlements on the Pottawatomie, 
225. 
Benton, Thomas Hart, was opposed to slavery, 47; schooled on the 

frontier in the ways of men, 86. 
Big Springs, Convention of, 121. 

Biographical Dictionary, The United States, Kansas Volume, quoted. 
76. 

Bivouac, The Southern, quoted, 177. 

Black Jack, the battle of, incident in the Free-State issue, 121; 
battle of, 252; location of, 257; importance of the battle of, 277. 

Blood, Colonel James, meets John Brown on his way to Pottawatomie. 
191; peculiar statements of concerning this meeting of John 
Brown, 210, 211; manifest errors in statement of, 212. 

"Bloody issue" resolution, the, of the Big Springs Convention, 122; 
effect of, 124. 

"Blue Lodges," organization of in Missouri, 54; determination of 
to enter on assassination of Free-State men, 231. 

Bodwell, Rev. L., proposition of Mr. Emerson to, 333. 

Bondi, August, lived near Theodore Weiner in the Pottawatomie 
settlement, 178: house of burned, 180; statement of concerning the 
course of the Doyles, Wilkinson, and the Shermans, 229; with 
John Brown, 252. 

Border Ruffians, the, hatred of for Emigrant Aid Companies, 54; 
character of; their first invasion of Kansas; origin of the name 
of, 55; in Kansas Territory at first election, 55. 56; Gihon's de- 
scription of, 72; outrages committed by in Kansas, 156, 157, 158. 
159; infest Lecompton, 159; urged to exterminate and drive out 
Free-State settlers, 181 ; pour whisky through a funnel down a 
Free-State preacher's throat, 258; attempt to rob Governor Gearv 
303. 

Border Times, The, of Westport, Mo., issues a "war extra'" after the 
sacking of Lawrence, 181. 

Brewerton, G. Douglas, writes a book entitled The War in Kansas; 
the best authority on the Wakarusa War, 143. 

Brewster, Martha E., marries Oliver P. Brown, 98. 

Breyman, William, settler in Douglas county, 69. 

Brockett, Lieutenant W. B., explains object of Captain Pate's expe- 
dition to the Pottawatomie settlements, 257; in oattle of Black 
Jack; surrenders his gun to Oliver Brown and himself to John 
Brown, 272; quartered at Fort Scott, 322. 

Brown, Abiel, son of John and Hannah (Owen) Brown, 79. 

Brown, Amelia, date of the birth of. 98. 

Brown, Anne, date of the birth of, 98; at Kennedy farm, 339. 

Brown, Austin, date of the birth of, 98. 

Brown, Charles, date of the birth of, 97. 

Brown, David, 74. 

Brown, Ellen, (1), date of the birth of. 98. 

Brown, Ellen, (2), date of the birth of. 98. 

Brown, Frederick, son of John and Hannah (Owen) Brown, 79. 



INDEX 399 

Brown, Frederick, (1), son of John Brown; date of birth of, 97. 

Brown, Frederick, (2), son of John Brown; date of birth of; mur- 
dered by Rev. Martin White, 97 ; attends Free-State Convention 
at Big Springs, 62; at Lawrence in the Wakarusa War, 143; 
rescues a girl from the Shermans, 163; a member of John Brown's 
company to relieve Lawrence in May, 1856, 164; buys lead from 
Morse to be cast into bullets for Free-State guns, 166; warns the 
Shermans to not molest the daughter of a Free-State settler, 177 ; 
one of the party of surveyors to run line through the camp of Bu- 
ford's men, 179; goes with his father to Pottawatomie, 190; se- 
cures the lead of Morse, 235; interrogated by the Doyles, Sher- 
man, and Wilkinson; casts bullets of the lead, 236; rides around 
the lines of battle at Black Jack, 260; rides a mule on march to 
Black Jack; rides through camp-fire of the United States troops, 
267 ; murdered by the Rev. Martin White, 295. 

Brown, G. W., M. D., charges that John Brown was trying to incite 
insurrection in Lawrence at the close of the Wakarusa War, 144; 
editor of the Herald of Freedom; statement of John J. Ingalls 
concerning, — compares him to Judas Iscariot; called '"Gusty 
Windy" Brown by Richard Realf; borrowed $2,000 from Emigrant 
Aid Company to reestablish his paper after Lawrence was sacked, 
and repaid it in worthless "scrip"; takes same position in rela- 
tion to John Brown as Eli Thayer, 145; erroneous statements of 
concerning insanity of John Brown, jr., 220; accused by Free- 
State men of being bought — of being a traitor; said to have been 
a liar and mercenary politician; efl'orts of to make a rogues' 
gallery of the Kansas Free-State patriots; sought arrest for no- 
toriet}'; submitted to arrest by a slave; in conclave with enemies 
of Kansas Free-State men; paper of said to be mischievous and 
traitorous, 243; ridiculous statements of concerning attempts to 
kill Free-State prisoners, 245, 246; absurd story refuted by Glad- 
stone's book, 24G. 

Brown Family, the, genealogy of, 78; many members live in Califor- 
nia, 97 ; a family of pioneers, 78. 

Browns, sons of John Brown, remove to Kansas, 60; select claims 
in Kansas, 61; identify themselves with the anti-slavery forces of 
Kansas Territory, 62 ; character of, 65. 

Brown. Jason, child of dies of cholera, 61; letter of concerning dead 
son, 77; date of birth of; marries Ellen Sherbondy, 97; cabin of 
deserted and solitary, 252; sets out to surrender to the United 
States troops; captured by Missourians under Rev. Martin White, 
and is carried to Paola; narrowly e.scapes death, 253, 254; was 
to have been exchanged for Lieutenant Brockett. 262; statement 
of concerning capture by band of Rev. Martin White, 266. 

Brown, John, grandson of Peter Brown, the Pilgrim, marries Eliza- 
beth Loomis, 79. 

Brown, John, great-grandson of Peter P>rown, the Pilgrim, marries 
Mary Eggleston. 79. 

Brown, John, great-great-grandson of Peter Brown, the Pilgrim, 
was a Revolutionary hero, and married Hannah Owen, 79. 



400 



JOHN BROWN 



Brown, John, son of John Brown, the Revolutionary hero, and 
Hannah (Owen) Brown, 79. 

Brown, John, character and purpose of, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14; 
song concerning body of, the inspiration of tlie armies of the Union, 
14; sons of remove to Kansas, 60; attends anti-slavery conven- 
tion at Syracuse, New York, 62; there determines to go to Kansas, 
63; is given a small sum of money; sets out for Kansas; journey 
to Kansas; arrival of at "Brown settlement," 63, 64; his inten- 
tions; lifts the dead body of his grandson from its lonely grave in 
Missouri and carries it witn him to Kansas, 65; born May 9, 1800, 
82; attachment of for his mother, 83; youthful training; books 
he read, 84 ; influence of pioneer life upon, 85 ; becomes a tanner ; 
marries Dianthe Lusk; her influence over him; her death; mar- 
riage of to Mary Anne Day; lives in Pennsylvania; was post- 
master there, 87; removes to Portage county, Ohio; financially 
ruined there by speculation; discharged a bankrupt; engages in 
sheep-farming; becomes a member of the firm of Perkins & Brown, 
wool factors; removes to Springfield, Mass.; visits Europe; fails 
as a wool merchant; resolves to devote his life to a battle against 
slavery, 88; removes to North Elba, New York; recollections of, 
by his daughter Piuth, 89, 90, 91; his acute sense of justice; in- 
terpretation of the doctrine of the atonement; solicitude of for 
his daughter, 90; death of infant daughter of, 91; favorite books 
and songs of; earnestness of, 92; first impressions of slavery; 
eternal war with slavery; consecrates his life to this warfare, 93; 
not a Garrisonian; Brown family a separate school of abolition- 
ists of themselves, 94 ; devotion to his life-work, 95 ; earliest rec- 
ollections of, 96; Henry D. Thoreau's characterization of; dates of 
births of children of, 97 ; tests the Englishman's dog-hair, 98 ; 
his practical application of the doctrine of the atonement, 99; 
favorite Biblical quotations of; tenacity of purpose of, 100, 101; 
organizes and writes principles of the United States League of 
Giteadites, 104; writes "Sambo's Mistakes," 109, 110, 111, 112, 
113; arrival of in Kansas Territory; condition of sons of, 123; 
he and his sons determine to assist in the defense of Lawrence 
in the Wakarusa War, 124; arrive in Lawrence December 7, 1855; 
commissioned Captain by Dr. Robinson ; account of the war and 
its termination, 125; goes to Missouri to buy corn, 127; charged 
with all the troubles in Kansas Territory after the killings 
at Dutch Henry's Crossing, 128; description of in Wakarusa 
War, by G. W. Brown; commissioned Captain in the Waka- 
rusa War; letter to family cited, 143; is dissatisfied with the 
terms of peace in Wakarusa War, 144; protests against the 
terms of peace; was deceived as to the terms of peace, 146; 
charges against by defamers of, 153; cause of injustice to memory 
of, 154; indicted for conspiracy under Lecompte's "constructive 
treason" theory; character of jury that returned indictment, 156; 
visits camp of Buford's men as a surveyor; finds the death of 
himself and family determined upon through the representations 
of the Doyles, Wilkinson, and the Shermans, 163; he and family 



INDEX 



401 



of hunted like wolves; a Bible-man and honest; he and his sons 
marched to relief of Lawrence May 22, 1856; names of the mem- 
bers of company of, 164; camped with his company on the claim 
of Captixin Shore; favors continuing on to Lawrence; receives in- 
telliffence which causes him to return to the Pottawatomie settle- 
ments, 165; defamed by Leverett W. Spring, 170; surveying expe- 
dition of to Buford's camp described; death of dotormined upon. 
178; return of to Pottawatomie described, 180; causes of his 
killing the Doyles and others stated by Judge James Hanway, 181, 
182; was compelled to kill the Doyles and others or be killed, 183; 
message carried to; declaration of upon receiving message, 189; 
company of leaves for Pottawatomie, 190; actions of at Potta- 
watomie contradict statements of James Tovvnsley, 192; what he 
told Governor George A. Crawford; how he spent May 24, 1856; 
gave the Doyles and others a trial, 193; statement of to E. A. Cole- 
man, 196; statement of to Colonel Samuel Walker; sleeps under 
a tree; shoots at Walker, 198; object of in the Pottawatomie 
killings, 199; manner of killing the Doyles and others at Pottawat- 
omie; did not kill any with his own hand, 200; manner of pro- 
cedure of on the Pottawatomie, 200, 201, 202, 203; statements of 
Townsley proven erroneous, 202, 203; sensational and absurd 
charge against by James Christian, 203, 204 ; did he kill any man 
at Pottawatomie; did he and his men mutilate the dead there; 
unfairness of some Kansas writers towards, 205; moral of the 
Pottawatomie killings, 206; contributed more toward making 
Kansas free than did Eli Thayer, 207 ; understood better than any 
other that slavery had to be shot to death, 209 ; aided in his 
outfit for the Pottawatomie by the men in camp on Middle Ottawa 
creek, 210; absurd statements of Colonel James Blood concerning. 
210, 211; had no need of assistance from Townsley or any other 
to find ruffian settlers on the Pottawatomie, 212; intended to kill 
George Wilson, 213; killed none with his own hand at Potta- 
watomie. 215; never contemplated "sweeping the creek," 218; 
declared that the Pottawatomie killing was by his order; returns 
to the camp on Middle Ottawa creek, 219; meeting of the settlers 
on the Pottawatomie not intended to condemn, 221; message from 
Pottawatomie sent to, .223: in Tappan's account, 224; state- 
ment of Charles Robinson that John Brown told him he did the 
Pottawatomie killing, 227; tribute of Charles Robinson to, 228; 
tribute of General Jo. 0. Shelby to. 229: tribute of James F. 
Legate to, 230; a hero, not a murdei-er, 231; justification of by 
Judge James Hanway, 233 ; Spring comes to justify, 235 ; further 
justification by Hanway, 237; and by Charles Robinson, 238; 
company of did the killing at Pottawatomie; did not himself kill 
any, 238, 239; injustice of James Redpath to; action of at Potta- 
watomie tended to save Kansas: scorned double-dealing, 239, 
240; fame of; Spring says Pottawatomie killing was beneficial to 
Kansas: justified by all the Free-State settlers on the Pottawato- 
mie, 240, 241; justified by Senator Ingalls; D. W. Wilder upon, 
242; action of saved lives of the Free-State settlers on the Potta- 
—26 



402 



JOHN BROWN 



watomie, 244; eulogized by Governor Robinson for more than 
twenty-one years; if actions of were detrimental to the Free- 
State cause in Kansas Territory, Robinson should have discovered 
that fact before the expiration of twenty-one years. 244, 245; 
absurd statements of G. W. Brown concerning, 245, 246; inscrip- 
tion in memory of on monument to at Osawatomie, 248; relations 
to Governor Robinson considered ; effect of the work of in Kansas ; 
soul of the inspiration of the armies of the North, 248, 249, 250; 
returns with his company to the Pottawatomie and camps in the 
deserted cabins of his sons; character of arms carried b}' company 
of, 252 : sends notice to ruffians at Paola that he was aware that 
two of his sons were held as prisoners there; consternation caused 
by this message, 254 ; starts for Prairie City, 255 ; Captain Pate 
starts in pursuit of ; discouragement of Pate at not finding, 257 ; 
fights the battle of Black Jack; captures Captain Pate, 258, 259, 
260; enters into an agreement with Captain Pate and Lieutenant 
Broekett for the exchange of prisoners, 261; Colonel Sumner sent 
to the camp of; Captain Pate released by Sumner, 262, 263; 
description of swords used by, 266 ; account of march of to battle 
of Black Jack, 267; shot at by MacLean; MacLean's belief that 
he was miraculously preserved from harm, 269; finding Pate: 
attacks Pate's camp, 270; orders Pate's horses shot; flag of truce, 
incident of, 270, 271; captures Pate, 272; his account of the battle 
of Black Jack, 273; injustice of Governor Robinson to in his ac- 
count of the battle of Black Jack; Townsley and all other authori- 
ties refute Robinson, 274; makes report of battle of Black Jack, 
275 ; deeply imbued with old Puritanical doctrines, 280 ; remaine<i 
in the vicinity of Osawatomie, 282; organizes company of Free- 
State men; Covenant of said company, 283; by-laws of company, 
284 ; takes Henry Thompson to Iowa. 284, 285 ; account of by 
Samuel J. Reader on his way to meet Lane's Army of the North, 
286; advises Reader to aim low if he should be in battle, 287; 
fame of at that time; Reader's pen-picture of; sight of causes 
cheering by the men, 288; intentions of; appearance of; ques- 
tioned, 289; one of the escorts over the State line of Lane's Army 
of the North; first meeting of with Captain Whipple, or Aaron 
D. Stevens; urges Topeka company to give up arms until State line 
is crossed, 291; Reader's last sight of; came to Lawrence with 
Lane, 291; his account of the battle of Osawatomie, 295, 296; 
speech of to the defenders of Lawrence in September, 1856, 298; 
services of to Kansas in the summer of 1856; his mission, 300; 
great fame of; his name a terror to the ruffians, 301 ; how he came 
to be called Osawatomie Bro\\Ti, 302; did he ever intend to make 
Kansas his home, 305; his purposes in coming to Kansas, 306; 
left Kansas in September, 1859; address before Massachusetts 
Legislature, 308; his tour of New England; appeal of, 312; con- 
tracts for pikes; Eli Thayer much impressed with; offers him a 
home in Ceredo, Virginia, 313; efforts of Massachusetts State 
Committee to assist; "Old Brown's Farewell to Plymouth Rock," 
314; makes the acquaintance of Hugh Forbes, 315; engages 



INDEX 403 

Forbes; returns to Iowa and visits Kansas; visits Manhattan, 
Kansas, with Kagi, 316; drills his men at Springdale, Iowa; de- 
serted by Forbes; visits Frederick Douglass, 317; arrangements 
to invade Virginia, 318, 319, 320; in Canada; adoption of the 
Provisional Constitution, 320; forced to postpone his expedition 
to Virginia; meets George L. Stearns in New York; visits Boston; 
assured that he would be provided with means; returns to Kan- 
sas, 321; organizes '"Shubel Morgan's Company"; fight at Fox's 
Ford, 323; sick at the house of Rev. S. L. Adair; makes foray 
into Missouri and releases slaves, 324; "Parallels" of, 325; re- 
wards of the Governor of ^Missouri and James Buchanan offered 
for; ofTers a reward of $2.50 for James Buchanan well tied and 
delivered at Ti-ading Post, 326; preparations of to leave Kansas; 
departs for Canada; slave's idea of the distance, 327; route of to 
Topeka; stops with Packard; at Hoi ton; threatened by J. N. 
0. P. Wood and posse; puts Wood and posse to flight in the Battle 
of the Spurs, 328; carries his prisoners with him; releases them in 
Nebraska, but retains their horses; arrives in Iowa; speaks in 
Springdale; puts to confusion a braggart at Iowa City, 329; ar- 
rives in Canada with his fugitives; goes to New England to make 
preparations to invade Virginia; spends his last birthday with 
Mr. Sanborn, 330; did he contemplate living in Kansas; solicited 
Kansas men to go with him to Harper's Ferry, 331; some account 
of his famous "Parallels," 332; preparations for foray into Vir- 
ginia, 334; at Chambersburg; at Harper's Ferry; rents the Ken- 
nedy farm, 335; elected commander-in-chief under Provisional 
Constitution; plans of his invasions of Virginia, 336, 337, 338; 
how he spent Sunday, October 16, 1859; takes Harper's Ferry, 351; 
first mistake of at Harper's Ferry; greets Colonel Washington, 
352; first real disappointment of at Harper's Ferry; exchanged a 
bartender for breakfast for his men; from a military point he 
blundered constantly after taking Harper's Ferry until his cap- 
ture; what he should have done, 353; expected negroes to flock 
to his standard, 354; could have escaped at noon on Monday, but 
after that escape was impossible; summoned to surrender, but 
refused, 355; captured and desperately wounded, 356; why he 
failed at Harpers Ferry, 357 ; tributes of Colonel Washington and 
Governor \vise to; defeat turns out for the best, 358; Benjamin 
F. Butler upon, 359; confounds his captors and the Ohio dough- 
face, 360, 361, 362; insanity of considered and refuted, 363, 364; 
carried to Charlestown; defiant and manly answer of, 365: indict- 
ment of; trial hurried, 366; repels with scorn the plea of insanity 
made for him; found guilty by the jury; brought into court to 
be sentenced, 367; speech of to the court before receiving sen- 
tence, 368; character of the trial of; takes up the sword of the 
Spirit; joyfully begins labor in the new field, 374; his remarkable 
success and sublime sayings, 376; consents to see his wife, 377; 
concern of at fires in the vicinity of Charlestown, 379; what he 
desired his children to be, 380; taken to the scaffold; firmness and 
intrepidity of upon the scaffold; kept waiting for eighteen min- 



404 



JOHN BEOWIir 



utes; not a tremor passed through him; brave death of; estimate 
of Governor John A. Andrew of, 381, 382, 383; Preston's account 
of the execution of, 382, 383; Halstead's account of the execution 
of; estimate of the character of, 384 to 393; Victor Hugo gold 
medal of, 392; John J. Ingalls's estimate of life and character of, 
394. 

Brown, John and His Men, by Richard J. Hinton, quoted, 95, 96, 
147, 180, 209, 247, 304, 331, 347, 359, 370. 

Brown, John, jr., writes his father conditions existing in Kansas 
Territory; attends Free-State meetings in Lawrence and Big 
Springs, 62; date of birth of; marries Wealthy C. Hotchkiss, 97: 
doctrine of the atonement demonstrated to by his father, 99; at 
Lawrence in the Wakarusa War, 143; indictment of for con- 
spiracy, 156; Captain of "Pottawatomie Rifles," 164; describes 
surveying expedition of his father to camp of Buford's men, 179; 
house of found empty and solitary, 180; objected to the separation 
of companies, 189; company of assisted John Brown in prepara- 
tions to return to the Pottawatomie settlements, 210; seizes two 
slaves on his return from Lawrence, 219; resigns command of 
"Pottawatomie Rifles"; arrested for conspiracy; insanity of, 220; 
cabin of solitary and deserted, 252; family of at house of Rev. 
S. L. Adair; captured by Captain Pate, 253; carried to Paola: 
arms bound; made to run before the horses by the ruffians; insan- 
ity and illness of, 254; was to have been exchanged for Captain 
Pate, 262; insanity of; capture of, 266; goes East with his 
father, 320; writes to his father, 346. 

Brown, Life and Letters of John, by F. B. Sanborn, quoted, 76, 77, 
96, 98. 100, 101, 118, 143, 147, 175, 176, 177. 178. 179, 209, 210, 
243, 244, 248, 251, 273, 274, 275, 301, 303, 304, 332, 347, 359, 370. 

Brown, 0. C, the original "Osawatomie" Brown. 302. 

Brown, Oliver, goes to Kansas Territory from Roekford, Illinois, 63; 
date of birth of; marries Martha E. Brewster; death of, 98; a 
member of John Brown's company for the relief of Lawrence, 164; 
one of the party of surveyors to run line through camp of Buford's 
men, 179; gO€s with his father to the settlements on the Potta- 
watomie, 190; assists to kill the Doyles, W^ilkinson, and Sherman, 
200; captures Lieutenant Broekett's gun, 272; went to Harper's 
Ferry with his father. 335; wife of at Kennedy farm, 339; killed 
at Harper's Ferry, 356. 

Brown, Owen, son of John and Hannah (Owen) Brown, 79; son of 
John Brown, the Revolutionary hero, marries Ruth Mills. 80; 
moves from Connecticut to the Western Reserve in Ohio, in 1805; 
character of, 81; why he was anti-slavery, 96. 

Brown, Owen, son of John Browm, date of birth of. 97; a member of 
the company of John Brown for the relief of Lawrence, 164; 
chainman in surveying expedition to camp of Buford's men, 179; 
goes with his father to the settlements on the Pottawatomie, 190; 
assists in the capture and execution of the Doyles, Wilkinson, and 
Sherman, 200; in the battle of Black Jack, 272 ; one of the company 
in Iowa, 317; goes to Harper's Ferry with his father, 335; elected 



INDEX 



405 



Treasurer under the Provisional Constitution, 336; first to whom 
John Brown made known a change of plan at Harper's Ferry, 3ciS ; 
left to guard the arms at the Kennedy farm, 349; escape of from 
Harper's Ferrj', 356. 

Brown, Peter, one of the Pilgrim Fathers; born in England; facts 
concerning, 78; location of the house of, 95. 

Brown, Peter, son of Peter Brown, the Pilgrim Father, 79. 

Brown, Peter, son of John Brown, date of birth, 98. 

Brown. Reese P., murder of, 57 ; Cole McRea's account of the murder 
of, 73. 

Brotc-n, Reminiscences of Old John, by G. W. Brown, M. D., quoted, 
77, 144, 213, 214, 216, 218, 245, 247. 

Brown, Ruth Mills, character of, 83. 

Brown, Ruth, recollections of her father, John Brown, 89, 90, 91; 
date of birth of; marries Henry Thompson, 97; gives her father's 
favorite Bible quotations, 100. 

Brown, Salmon, son of Owen Brown, died in New Orleans, 81. 

Brown, Salmon, son of John Brown, date of birth of; marries Abbie 
C. Hinckley, 97; a member of John Brown's company for the re- 
lief of Lawrence, 164; one of the party of surveyors to run tho line 
through the camp of Buford's men, 179; interview of with W. G. 
Steel "in the Portland Oregonian, 267, 270, 271, 272; lived in 
Oregon, 272. 

Brown, Sarah, (1), date of the birth of, 97. 

Brown, Sarah, (2), date of the birth of, 98. 

Brown, The Public Life of iJaptain John, by James Redpath, quoted, 
77, 96, 97, 144, 194, 268, 370. 

Brown, Watson, date of the birth of; marries Isabella M. Thompson; 
death of, 97; goes with his father to the settlements on the Potta- 
watomie, 190; helps to capture and execute the Doyles, Wilkinson, 
and Sherman, 200; detailed as one of the guards of the bridge 
across the Potomac at Harper's Ferry, 351 ; with Steward Taylor, 
stops the train, 352 ; killed at Harper's Ferry, 356. 

Buchanan, James, believes Kansas should be quieted, 294; reward 
for of $2.50 offered by John Brown, 326. 

Buford, Jefferson, organizes a Southern company to invade Kansas 
in the campaign of 1850 for the enforcement of the Bogus Laws, 
128; arrival of in Kansas, 134; commands Alabama troops in 
Kansas at the first sacking of Lawrence, 138; arrival of in Kansas 
City described; character of men of; prayed to his men; business 
contract with his men, 149, 150; letter of to Governor William 
Walker, 173. 

Buford's men, establish a camp near Dutch Henry's Crossing, 135; 
character of; arrival of in Kansas City, 149, 150; capture and try 
Josiah Miller for treason to South Carolina, 150; outrages com- 
mitted by, 157; murder Indian Agent Gay, 159; their camp near 
Dutch Henry's Crossing, 162 ; prepare to attack Free-State settlers 
on the Pottawatomie, 166; John Brown surveys through the camp 
of, 178, 179; said by Governor Robinson to have been defeated in 
the sacking of Lawrence, May 21, 1850, 222; arrest and imprison 



406 



JOHN BEOWN 



the people of Leavenworth, and create a reign of terror, 224 ; built 
a fort near Dutch Henry's Crossing, 230; band of at the house of 
La Hay, on the Wakarusa, 255 ; driven from Franklin, 293. 

Burns, Anthony, adjudged a slave and sent from Boston to Virginia 
in the United States cutter "Morris," by President Pierce, 117. 

Butler, Rev. Pardee, mobbed and set afloat at Atchison, 157. 

Butler's Book, by Benjamin F. Butler, quoted, 359. 

Calhoxjn, John C, first to favor secession, 29. 

Campaign, the, of 1856 for the enforcement of the Bogus Laws, Rev. 
Richard Cordley upon, 129; Southern States prepare to enter, 133; 
preparations of the entire South to enter, 134; further prepara- 
tions of the South for, 148, 149 ; conditions existing in Kansas pre- 
ceding, and while in progress, 154; some of the details of that 
portion of it planned against the settlers on the Pottawatomie, 
166; preposterous statement of Governor Robinson that it was 
won for the Free-State cause by the sacking of Lawrence, 222; 
end of, 299, 300. 

Campbell, John, one of the victims of the Marais des Cygnes massa- 
cre, 325. 

Cantrell, Jacob, tried and shot by border ruffians for treason to 
Missouri, 263. 

Carpenter, 0. A., sent from Prairie City to implore the aid of John 
Brown for the protection of the settlers, 254; wounded at the 
battle of Black Jack, 271. 

Carruth, William H., statement of concerning the aims of the Emi- 
grant Aid Company, quoted, 145. 

Chase, Governor S. P., of Ohio, recommends that steps be taken to 
aid freedom in Kansas, 132. 

Christian, James, sensational and absurd charge of against John 
Brown, 203. 

Clark, Johnson, statement, 218; statement of concerning Pottawato- 
mie killings, 223, 247. 

Classics, The Twentieth Century, this work originally prepared for, 
79; quoted from, 141. 

Clayton, John M., United States Senator from Delaware, reviews 
the Bogus Laws, 74. 

Cline, Captain, at battle of Osawatomie, 293. 

Cochran, Benjamin L., one of the company of John Brown, 252. 

Coleman, E. A., statement of in relation to nature of the terms of 
peace in the Wakarusa War, 146; statement of concerning what 
John Brown said to him and his wife about the Pottawatomie 
killings, 196. 

Colpetzer, William, one of the victims of the Marais des Cygnes 
massacre, 325. 

Committee, The Congressional, meets at Lecompton, April 18, 1856, 
134. 

Committee of Safety, for Lawrence, propose obedience to Bogus 
Laws, 139. 

Connecticut, number of people from in Kansas in 1860, 209. 



INDEX 



407 



Connelley, William Elsey, author of The Provisional Government of 
Nebraska Territory, 66 j letter of Jefferson Buford in collection of, 
173. 

Conflict. The American, by Horace Greeley, quoted, 60, 113, 114, 115, 
116, 117, 118. 

Conflict, The Kansas, by Charles Robinson, quoted, 214, 244, 245, 274. 

Conquest of Kansas, The, by William A. Phillips, quoted, 147, 150, 
151, 175, 269, 275. 

Cordlev. Rev. Richard, his History of Lawrence, Kansas, quoted from, 
69, 70. 128. 

Cook, John E., joins John Brown at Topeka, 316; one of the com- 
pany in Iowa, 317; at Harper's Ferry in advance of John Brown, 
335; sketch of, 341; one of the leader.s of the march from the 
Kennedy farm to Harper's Ferry, 350; duty of to tear down tele- 
graph wires, 351; one of the party sent to bring in Colonel Lewis 
Washington, 352; escape of from Harper's Ferry; captured and 
hung, 356. 

Coppoc, Barclay, joins John Brown's company at Springdale, Iowa, 
317; sketch of, 343; left to guard arms at Kennedy farm, 349; 
escape of from Harper's Ferry, 356. 

Coppoc, Edwin, joins John Brown's party in Springdale, Iowa, 317; 
sketch of, 343; executed, 356; carried to Charlestown, 365. 

Conspiracy, John Brown and others indicted for under the "con- 
structive treason" theory of Lecompte, 156. 

Constitution, the Topeka, adoption of, 131; denounced by President 
Pierce, 132. 

Convention, the Big Springs, defines the Free-State issues in Kansas, 
121; movement leading to, 141; resolutions of, 142. 

Copeland, John A., sketch of, 345; sent with Kagi to capture the 
rifle-works, 351; execution of, 356. 

Corwin, Thomas, schooled in the ways of men on the frontier, 86. 

Crane & Company, obligations of the author to; friends of Kansas 
writers; publishers of Kansas books, 19. 

Crawford, Governor George A., statement of concerning what John 
Brown said to him of the Pottawatomie killings, 193. 

Crossing, Blue Jacket's, on the Wakarusa, 68. 

Crusade, The Kansas, by Eli Thayer, quoted, 66, 68; refutation of 
statements in by Rev. Richard Cordlcj', 70. 

Cuba, United States committed to the acquirement of, 31. 

"Danites," society of organized by the Free-State leaders, 131. 

Davis, Jefferson, commits the Administration to the campaign in 
Kansas for the enforcement of the Bogus Laws, 128; as Secre- 
tary of War issues an order authorizing Governor Shannon to use 
United States troops to suppress "insurrectionary combinations," 
132; invaders act under authority of, 140; treasonable letter of 
Senator Mason to, 173; writes General Smith that United States 
troops may be used to coerce settlers in Kansas; authorizes him to 
call upon States of Illinois and Kentucky for additional troops; 



408 



JOHN BROWN 



says Kansas Free-State men are in rebellion against constituted 
authorities, 244. 

Davidson, William M., obligations of the author to, 19. 

Dawson, Jared, brought gTin from Ohio used to shoot at John Brown, 
269. 

Day, Horace, carried letter from John Brown to Missourians at 
Paola, 254. 

Day, Mary Anne, marries John Brown, 87. 

Day, Orson, house built for by John Brown, 127. 

Dayton, O. V., indicted for conspiracy, 156. 

Denmark, first to abolish slave trade, 28. 

Denver, Governor James W., stationed soldiers near John Brown's 
camp, 323. 

Donalson, Isaac B., as United States Marshal issues proclamation 
calling upon "law-abiding" citizens to assemble to enforce the laws, 
138; said to have saved the lives of Free-State prisoners by 
enlisting judges, the Governor, and others, 246. 

Douglass, Frederick, found John Brown living scant in order to save 
money to fight slavery, 94; visited by John Brown, 317; visited 
John Brown at Chambersburg, 338. 

Dow, C. W., murdered at Hickory Point, Douglas county, 124. 

Doyle, James P., and family, account of and character of, 161. 

Doyle, Mahala, affidavit of, 214. 

Doyles, the, spent much time in the camp of Buford's men, 163; 
in the outrages upon Morse, 166, 167; give Free-State settlers 
notices to leave Pottawatomie settlements, 167; found at the camp 
of Buford's men, 178; at camp of Buford's men to show them best 
fords and ways to Pottawatomie settlements, 179; burn houses of 
Free-State settlers, 180; cause of the death of, as stated by James 
Hanway, 181, 182; delivered notices to Free-State settlers, 191; 
manner of killing of at Pottawatomie; names, number and ages of 
those slain; manner of computing ages, 200; were not mutilated 
after death, 218; warn Free-State settlers to leave Pottawatomie 
settlements, 225, 229; bad character of, 230; in constant com- 
munication with Buford's men, 235; attempt to kill Morse, 236. 

Dunn, Charles, brutal conduct of at Leavenworth, 56; assists in the 
murder of Reese P. Brown, 57 ; oath of to kill Governor Reeder, 75. 

Eberhart, H. S., settler in Douglas county, 69. 

Eberhart, J. J., settler in Douglas county, 69. 

Eberhart, Paul C, settler in Douglas county, 69. 

Edwards, Rev. Jonathan, writes against slavery, 96. 

Eggleston, Mary, marries John Brown, the great-grandson of Peter 
Brown, the Pilgrim, 79. 

Elizabeth, Queen, knighted John Hawkins, 26. 

Emerson, , partisan of John Brown; stammered; proposition 

of to Rev. L. Bodwell, 333. 

Emerson, R. W., shows the absurdity of the opinion that the Potta- 
watomie settlers should have appealed to the courts, 226. 



INDEX 



409 



Emi-rrant Aid Company, formed for purposes suggested by Willinm 
H. Seward, 53; uses' and abuses of, 54; the claim that it peopled 
or saved Kansas refuted; opposed by Missourians; resolutions 
against, 70, 71; organization of enraged the South, 207; remarks 
upon nature of, 270; organized primarily to make money, 277. 

Emigrant Aid Societies, of the South, 08. 

Emory, Frederick S.. commands mob that murders William Phillips 
in Leavenworth, 57. 

Farnsworth, Captain, seeks John Brown, 324. 

Fast, Captain John, 90. 

Food, scarcity of in Kansas in 1855. 123. 

Forbes, Hugh, some account of; engages with John Brown; deserts 

John Brown, 315, 310; reveals such of Brown's plans as he was 

acquainted with, 321. 
Fort Saunders, incident in Free-State issue, 121; commanded by 

Colonel Treadwell; visited by Major D. S. Hoyt. 292; abandoned 

by the ruffians and burned by Free-State men. 294. 
Fort Titus, incident in Free-State issue, 121; capture of, 294. 
Foster, , describes cordial reception of the Shermans, the Doyles, 

and Wilkinson at camp of Buford's men, 178. 
Foster, Charles A., indicted for conspiracy, 150. 
Foster, Mr., of Osawatomie, characterization of Robinson and Lane, 

147. 
Fox's Ford, battle of, 323. 
Franklin, Benjamin, opposed to slavery, 28; schooled on the frontier, 

86. 
Franklin, battle of, 121. 

Free-State, issues in Kansas Territory, 121. 
Fremont. John C, preparations of the South to secede in event of 

election of, 174. 
Fuget, , murders !Mr. Hoppe on a wager of six dollars against a 

pair of boots, 74; Gladstone's account of Fuget's murder of Hoppe, 

172. 
Fugitive Slave Law, enforcement of, 102. 

Garner, ^Margaret, a fugitive slave, kills her children near Cincin- 
nati, 110. 

Garrison, William Lloyd, opponent of slavery, 30. 

Gay, , murdered by Buford's men, 159. 

Geary, John W., Governor of Kansas Territory, meets ex-Governor 

Shannon, 76; describes conditions existing in Kansas, 157, 158; 

arrival of in Kansas Territory; a member of the Bogus Legislature 

.attempts to rob on the highway, 298; turns back the Missourians, 

200. 

Giddings, .J. R., conservative opponent of slavery, 37. 

Gihon. John H., History of Kansas, quoted, 07, 71, 72, 73, 70, 151, 
175, 170, 193. 

Gill, George B., one of John Brown's company in Towa, 317. 



410 



JOHN BROWN 



Gillett, Mary, marries Peter Bro\vii, 79. 

Gillpatriek, Dr., statement of what Mrs. Wilkinson said to, 234; 
upon the death of Morse, 236. 

Gladstone, Thomas H., quotation from refutes statements of Robinson 
that the ruffians intended to leave Kansas alone after sacking 
Lawrence, May 21, 1856, 245; refutes statement of G. W. Brown 
and Leverett W. Spring that the Pottawatomie killings caused the 
mob at Leavenworth. 247. 

Gonsalves, Antam, action of originates the slave trade, 26. 

Gould, Father, notified by ruffians to leave Leavenworth, 75. 

Graham, Dr., son of attempts to shoot a ruffian before the battle of 
Black Jack, 269, 270. 

Grant, George, statement of mobbing of Morse, 179. 

Grant, John T., sends a messenger to camp of "Pottawatomie Rifles" 
to seek help against the ruffians, the Doyles, Wilkinson, and Sher- 
man, 223 ; family warned to leave Pottawatomie settlements, 225 ; 
came from New York and settled on Pottawatomie creek in 1854; 
says his neighbors, the Doyles, Shermans and Wilkinson were the 
associates of Buford's men; Morse went to the house of to escape 
death. 234, 235. 

Grant, Mary, threatened with death by William Sherman, 225. 

Grant, Ulysses S., fame of; John Brown one of the two others equal 
to, 394. 

Greeley, Horace, conservative opponent of slavery, 37. 

Greeley's The American Conflict, quoted, 66, 113, 114, 115, 116 117, 
118. 

Green, Lieutenant, strikes John Brown with his sword after he has 
surrendered, 356. 

Green, Shields, sketch of, 345; execution of, 356; carried to Charles- 
town, 365. 

Goodin, Joel K., settled on the Wakarusa, Douglas countv; from 
Ohio, 69. 

Hanway, James, quoted; statement of the causes of the killing of 
the Doyles, Wilkinson, and Sherman on the Potawatomie, 181; 
tells of intention to rescue Governor Robinson, 190; statement 
of concerning intention to rescue Robinson, 209; justifies John 
Brown's action on the Pottawatomie; character of; says the affi- 
davit of James Harris differs from the story he told his neighbors, 
232 ; says the settlers on the Pottawatomie openly condemned John 
Brown and secretly commended his action, 233 ;' further justifica- 
tion of John Brown, 237; says the Pottawatomie killing was for- 
tunate for the Free-State settlers and cause, 241. 

Hairgrove, Asa, one of the victims of the Marais des Cygnes mas- 
sacre, 325. 

Hairgrove, William, one of the victims of the Marais des Cygnes 
massacre, 325. 

Hale, Mrs. Lillian Walker, has in her keeping gun used to shoot 
at John Brown, 269. 



INDEX 



411 



Hall, Amos, one of the victims of the ^Marais des Cygnes massacre, 
325. 

Hall, Austin, one of the victims of the Marais des Cygnes massacre, 
325. 

Hallock, Rev. Jeremiah, Owen Brown lived with, 96. 

Halstead, Murat, his account of the character and execution of 
John Brown, 3S4. 

Hamilton, Alexander, opposed to slavery, 28. 

Hamilton, Charles A., plans and executes the Marais des Cygnes 
massacre, 322. 

Hamlin, Hannibal, 66. 

Hampton, Captain, sent to Kansas by Kentucky, 133. 

Harper's Ferry, description of the vicinity of, 350. 

Harris, Edward P., obligations of author to, 19; statement of, 145; 
invited to go to Harper's Ferry with John Brown, 331; set up the 
first copy of "Old John Brown's Parallels"; his recollections of 
that famous document; his corrections of grammar of, etc., 332. 

Harris, James, affidavit of convicts James Townsley of erroneous 
statements, 201 ; affidavit of refutes Townsley's statements, 216, 
217, 218; affidavit of does not agree with what he told his neigh- 
bors of the Pottawatomie killing, 232. 

Harrison, J. H., 69. 

Harrison, William Henry, schooled in the ways of men on the 
frontier, 86. 

Hawkins, Sir John, first of the English slave-dealers, 26. 

Hazlett, Albert, sketch of, 344; took possession of arsenal at Har- 
per's Ferry, 351; unable to assist John Brown, 355; escape of 
from Harper's Ferry; captured and hung, 356. 

Helper's "Impending Crisis," quoted from, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 69. 

Henry, Patrick, would have been murdered by slaveholders, 42; 
quoted from against slavery, 47. 

Herald of Freedom, press of destroyed, 140. 

Hickory Point, battle of an incident in Free-State issue, 121. 

Hinckley, Abbie C, marries Salmon Brown, 97. 

Hinton, Richard J., obligations of author to, 15; author of the name, 
"Battle of the Spurs," 329; his John Brown and His Men quoted 
from, 95, 96. 147, 180. 209, 247, 304, 331, 347, 359, 370. 

Historical Society, The Kansas, value of the collections in its library, 
151. 

History of the State of Kansas, by A. T. Andreas, popularly known 
as "The Kansas Herd-Book," quoted from, 67, 69, 71, 73, 74, 141, 
142, 147, 148, 151, 215, 247. 

History of Laicrence, Kansas, by Rev. Richard Cordley, quoted, 69, 
70, 128. 

History of Kansas, by John H. Gihon, quoted, 67, 71, 72, 73, 76, 151, 
175, 176, 193. 

History of Kansas, by J. N. Holloway, quoted, 71, 194. 

History of Kansas, by Charles R. Tuttle, quoted. 148, 149, 151, 193. 

History of Jay County, Indiana, by M. W. Montgomery, quoted, 175. 

Hoar, Samuel, driven from Charleston, S. C, 43. 



412 JOHN BEOWN 

Holloway, J. N., his History of Kansas quoted, 71, 194. 

Holmes, James H., estimate of the character of G. W. Brown, 243. 

Hopkins, Rev. Samuel, D. D., 96. 

Hoppe, , murder of for a pair of boots by Fuget, 58, 74; 

Gladstone's account of the murder of, 172. 

Hopper, A. R., 69. 

Hotchkiss, Wealthy C., marries John Brown, jr., 97. 

Howard, W, A., a member of the Congressional Committee to in- 
vestigate Kansas affairs, 134. 

Hoyt, Major David Starr, visits Fort Saunders in the capacity of a 
spy, 292; shot as a spy by Buford's men, 293; Armstrong's ac- 
count of; Wilder's account of, 302. 

Hudson. J. K., lecture of on John Brown, quoted. 370. 

Hugo, Victor, what he wrote of John Brown, 383. 

Hutchinson, Josiah, 69. 

Huysenmuysen, Peter Von, ancestor of Ruth Mills, 95. 

Illinois, number of people from in Kansas in 1860, 208. 
Impending Crisis, The, by Hinton R. Helper, quoted, 42, 43, 44, 45, 

46, 69. 
Indiana, number of people from in Kansas in 1860, 208. 
Indians, what tribes of in Miami county, 155; one at Paola refused 

to harbor the Missourians, 264; Wyandots in the company of 

Captain Pate, 269. 
Ingalls, John J., compares G. W. Brown to Judas Iscariot, 145; 

says Kansas is the child of Massachusetts, 207; justifies John 

Brown in the Pottawatomie killing, 241, 242; upon the character 

and fame of John Brown, 393. 
Ingram, J. K., quoted, 39. 
Iowa, Historical Department of, obligations of author to, 18; number 

of people from in Kansas in 1800, 208. 
Issues. Free-State and Pro-Slavery in Kansas Territory. 120, 121: 

resolutions making slavery the, in Kansas, 141 ; "the bloody." text 

of resolution declaring, 142. 

Jackson, Andrew, schooled in the ways of men on the frontier, 86. 

Jeflferson, Thomas, opposed to slavery: proposes plan of government 
for the Southwest Territory, 28 ; through efi'orts of John C. Cal- 
houn the South rejects the teachings of, 29; in a later day would 
have been mobbed by slaveholders, 42; quoted from against slav- 
ery, 47 ; schooled on the frontier in the ways of men, 86. 

John Broion and His Men, by Richard J. Hinton, quoted, 95, 96, 
147, 180. 209, 247. 304, 331, '347, 359, 370. 

Johnson, H. H., 73. 

Johnson, Richard M., of Kentucky, father of slave children, 33. 

Johnson, Judge W. A., has copy of notices given by the Doyles, 
Wilkinson, and Sherman to the Free-State settlers on the Potta- 
watomie, 180. 

Jones, John T., or "Ottawa," Henry Sherman or "Dutch Henry" 



INDEX 



413 



worked for ; worked for by Montgomery Shore, 177 ; relatione of i>} 
Rev. J. G. Pratt; marriage of, 180. 

Jones, Samuel J., sherilT of Douglas county, commonly known a-; 
"Sheriff Jones," declares VVakarusa treatj' at an end, 136; shot 
by Charles Lenhart, 137; leads the invaders at the sacking of 
Lawrence, I\Iay 21, 1856, 139; unable to attend to the duties of 
sheriff, 150; one of the founders of Lecompton, 159; stirs caldron 
of border-ruflianism, 164. 

Jones, , murdered at Blanton's store, 157. 

Kaqi, Jonx Henry, visits Manhattan with John Brown, 316; mem- 
ber of Brown's company in Iowa. 3i7; returns to Kansas witli 
John Brown. 322; interlines "Old John Brown's Parallels," 332; 
with John Brown when he bade farewell to Kansas, 333; elected 
Secretary of War under the Provisional Constitution, 336; sketch 
of. 340; in the front of the column in the march from the Kennedy 
farm to Harper's Ferry, 351; sent to capture the rifle-works, 351, 
352; killed at Harper's Ferry. 356. 

Kansas, entered by people from free States, 53; forces that as- 
sisted in making free, 207; not the child of Massachusetts; num- 
ber of people in from different States in i860: the child of the 
Ohio Valley, 208; a great honor to have contributed to the free- 
dom of. 200. 

Kansas-Nebraska bill, passage of, 51. 

Kansas, Annals of, by D. W. Wilder, quoted, 67, 71, 77, 147, 
148, 331. 

Kansas, History of the State of, bv A. T. Andreas, quoted, 07, 69. 
71, 73, 74, 141. 142, 147, 148. 151, 215. 247. 

Kansas. The Conquest of, by William A. Phillips, (William Phillips, 
on title-page,) quoted, 147, 150, 151, 175. 2(j9, 275. 

Kansas. History of Lawrence, by Rev. Richard Cordley, quoted, 69, 
70, 128. 

Kansas. Histon/ of, by John H. Gihon, quoted, 67, 71, 72, 73, 76, 151, 
175, 176. 193. 

Kansas, by Thomas H. Gladstone, quoted, 172, 245, 247. 

Kansas, History of, by J. N. Holloway. quoted. 71, 194. 

Kansas: Its Interior and Exterior Life, by Sara T. D. Robinson. 213, 
218; mentioned, 151. 

Kansas Memorial, quoted, 141, 213. 

Kansas, A Neic Centennial History of, bv Charles R. Tuttle, quoted, 
148, 149. 151, 195. 

Kansas: The Prelude to the War for the Union, by Leverett W. 
Spring, mentioned, 169. 170. 171, 172. 

Kansas Conflict, The, by Charles Robinson, quoted, 214, 244, 245, 274. 

Kansas Crusade, The. by Kli Thayer, quot'd. (ifi. (iS, 70. 

Kansas, The War in, by G. Douglas Brewerton, best authority on the 
Wakarusa War; mentioned. 143. 

Keiser, Charles, in battle of Black Jack, 272. 

Kelly, Robert S., a leading border ruflian, says he must murder 
some Free-State person, 159. 



414 JOHN BEOWN 

Kennedy, Dr. Booth, farm of rented by John Brown, 335. 
Kentucky, number of people from in Kansas in 1860, 208. 
Keystone, steamer, ex-Governor Shannon on, 76. 

Kidnappers, of slaves, 103; capture a white man, 113; incidents in 
their methods, 114, 115. 

Lane, James H., schooled on the frontier in the ways of men, 86; 
assists in defense of Lawrence in the Wakarusa War, 125; one of 
the organizers of the Free-State secret societies, 131; characteriza- 
tion of by Mr. Foster of Osawatomie, 147; defamed by Leverett 
W. Spring. 170; supposed by Colonel Sam Walker to have ad- 
vised the Pottawatomie killing, 199; he and friends of unjust to 
Governor Robinson, 250; sent East in March, 1856, with the 
Topeka Constitution, 281; organizes "Lane's Army of the North," 
282; comes to Lawrence in advance of his army, 292; drives Atchi- 
son from Kansas, 297. 

Lane's Army of the North, incident in Free-State issue, 121. 

Largenquest, L. A., 69. 

Law and Order party, proceedings of, 75. 

Laws, the Bogus, nature of, 58; reviewed by John M. Clayton, United 
States Senator from Delaware, 74; efforts to enforce by the Pro- 
Slavery party, 124. 

Lawrence, threatened by border ruffians, 55; sacked May 21, 1856, 
by border ruffians, 139; first visit of John Brown to, 143; condi- 
tion of women and children in, 184. 

Lawrence, Hon. Abbott, prevented from building mills at Richmond, 
Virginia, by slave interests, 45. 

Laiorence, Kansas, History of, by Rev. Richard Cordley, quoted, 69, 
70, 128. 

League of Gileadites, The United States, organized at Springfield, 
Mass., by John Brown, 104; principles of the order, 105, 106; 
agreement of members of, 107; resolutions of, 108, 109. 

Leary, Lewis S., sketch of, 345; killed at Harper's Ferry, 356. 

Leavenworth, first election at; vigilance committee formed in; 
William Phillips taken from, 56. 

Leavenworth Constitution, The, incident in Free-State issue, 121. 

Lecompte, Samuel D., Chief Justice of Kansas Territory, orders de- 
struction of Free-State hotel and printing presses at Lawrence, 
139; given shares in Lecompton town site, 159; charge of estab- 
lishing his constructive treason theory, 173. 

Lecompton, the town of, described by Gihon, 158. 

Lee, Colonel Robert E., captures John Brown at Harper's Ferry, 
355, 356. 

Leeman, William H., one of John Brown's company in Iowa, 317; 
sketch of, 343; killed at Harper's Ferry, 356. 

Legate, James F., settles in Douglas county in 1854, 69; one of the 
organizers of the Free-State secret societies, 131; on grand jury 
that returned treason indictments; his description of the jury, 
156; condemns G. W. Brown; tribute of to John Brown; his es- 
timate of the Doyles, Wilkinson, and Sherman, 230. 



INDEX 



415 



Legislature, the Bogus, author of the Bogu3 Laws, 58; defines the 
issue in Kansas Territory for the Pro-Slavery party, 120; course 
of indorsed by President Pierce, 132; resolution of making slavery 
the supreme issue in Kansas Territory, 141 ; member of attempts to 
rob Governor Geary on the highway, 303. 

Legislature, the Free-State, under the "Topeka Movement," meeting 
of, 134. 

Lenhart, Charles, shoots Sheriff Jones, 137. 

Life of Captain John Broivn, The Public, by James Redpath, quoted, 
77, 96, 97, 144, 194, 268, 370. 

Life and Letters of John Broirn, bv F. B. Sanborn, quoted, 76, 77, 
96, 98, 100. 101. 118. 143. 147. \lb, 176. 209, 210. 243, 244, 248, 
251, 273. 274, 275, 301, 303, 304, 332, 347, 359, 370. 

Lincoln, Abraham, conservative opponent of slavery, 37; schooled 
on the frontier in the ways of men, 86; fame of, 394. 

Long, Irvin P., in Captain Pate's company at the battle of Black 
Jack ; sent by Pate to Missouri to summon Whitfield, 269. 

Loomis, Elizabeth, marries John Brown, grandson of Peter Brown, 
the Pilgrim, 79. 

Ijovejoy. Elijah P., slain by Pro-Slavery adherents, 30. 

Lundv, Benjamin, first anti-slavery agitator, 36. 

Lunkins. J.H., 69. 

Lusk. Dianthe, marries John Brown, 87. 

Lykins. William H. E., 69. 

Lyon, William, 69. 

MacLea?^, L. a., shoots at John Brown; believed that John Brown 
was miraculously saved from death, 269. 

Madison, James, opposed to slavery, 28, 47. 

Maine, number of people from in Kansas in 1860, 209. 

Martin, George W., Secretary of the Kansas State Historical Society, 
15. 

Maryland, number of people from in Kansas in 1860, 209. 

Mansfield, Lord, defines the legal status of slaves in England, 27. 

Marcy, William L., as Secretary of State authorizes Governor Shan- 
non to use the United States troops of Fort Leavenworth and Fort 
Riley to suppress insurrectionary combinations, 133. 

Mason, James M., treasonable letter of to Jefferson Davis, 173. 

Massachusetts, number of people from in Kansas in 1860. 208. 

McAfee, Rev. J. B., account of assault on Wetherell at Leavenworth, 
73; notified to leave Leavenworth by border ruffians. 75; letter of 
to Governor Reedcr warning him that Charles Dunn had taken 
a horrible oath to kill him, 76. 

McCrea, Cole, story of the murder of Reese P. Brown, 73. 

McLean, L. A., see MacLean, L. A. 

Memorial, The Kansas, quoted, 141, 213. 

Memorial, The S. N. Wood, quoted, 66, 251. 

Mendenhall, Richard, indicted for conspiracy, 156. 

M^rriam, Francis Jackson, sketch of, 344; last to arrive at Kennedy 



416 



JOHN BKOWN 



farm; left to guard arms at Kennedy farm, 349; escape of from 
Harper's Ferry, 356. 

Miamis, Indian tribe of in Miami county, 155. 

Michigan, number of people from in Kansas in 1860, 209. 

Miller, Bryce W., 69. 

Miller, Josiah, from South Carolina; editor of the Kansas Free- 
State, at Lawrence; paper of destroyed, May 21, 1856; captured 
by Buford's men and tried for treason to South Carolina, 150, 151. 

Mills, Peter, a Hollander, father of Ruth Mills, 80. 

Mills, Ruth, marries Owen Brown; genealogy of, 80. 

"Mistakes of Sambo," written by John Brown, 109. 

Mitchell, Captain, commanded a party from Topeka to welcome 
Lane's Army of the North, 286. 

Missouri, failed to meet expectations of slave power, 53; number of 
people from in Kansas in 1860, 208. 

Missouri Compromise, repeal of, 51, 66. 

Missourians, invade Kansas Territory under Atchison, 138; enrolled 
as "Territorial militia," 139; m.ostly remain in Kansas after the 
sacking of Lawrence, 140; early in Miami, Franklin, and Linn 
counties; character of, 155; company of expected by the Doyles 
and others on the Pottawatomie, 166; invade Pottawatomie settle- 
ments, 221 ; alarm of in Paola when John Brown's message was 
received, 254; panic of ; rout of; Indian refuses to harbor; send 
to Cass and Jackson counties for reinforcements, 264, 265; their 
infallible test for abolitionists, 275; proclamation of on arrival 
of Lane's Army of the North, 292; invade Kansas; battle of Osa- 
watomie, 295 ; invade Kansas under Atchison and others by direc- 
tion of Governor Woodson, 298. 

Missouri river, closing of to Eastern emigrants, 60, 135. 

MofFett, Charles W., goes to Iowa with John Brown, 316; one of 
the company in Iowa, 317. 

Montgomery, Colonel James, how considered, 250; associated with 
John Brown, 322. 

Moody, Joel, his The Song of Kansas quoted, 173. 

Moore, Eli, one of the murderers of Reese P. Brown, 73. 

Moore, H. Miles, imprisoned by Buford's men, 224. 

"Morgan, Shubel," name by which John Brown was known in south- 
eastern Kansas, 323. 

Morse, 'Squire, merchant at Dutch Henry's Crossing; abuse ot by the 
Doyles, Sherman, and Wilkinson, 165, 167; account of mobbing 
of, 179; outrages upon by the Doyles, Wilkinson, and Sherman; 
death of, 236. 

Mountaineers, the, of the South, opposition of to slavery, 33 ; love of 
for freedom, 177. 

Mudeater, Alfred, gave gun used to shoot John Brown to Wyandotte 
County Historical Society, 269. 

Mudeater, Matthew, gun of used by MacLean to shoot at John 
Brown, 269. 

Musgrove, T. B., letter of John Brown to, 377. 



INDEX 



417 



Newbt, Dangerfield, sketch of, 345 ; killed at Harper's Ferry, 358. 
New Jersey, number of people from in Kansas in 1860. 209. 
New York, number of people from in Kansas in 1860, 208. 
North Carolina, number of people from in Kansas in 1860, 209. 

Ohio, number of people from in Kansas in 1860, 208. 

Oliver, M., member of the Congressional Committee to investigate 

Kansas affairs, 134. 
Osawatomie, John Brown monument at, 228; pillaged by Pate, Reid, 

and others, 264; John Brown's account of the battle of, 295, 296. 
Overton, Major W. P., commanded Irvin P. Long's regiment in the 

Mexican War, 269. 
Owen, Hannah, marries John Brown, the great-great-grandson of 

Peter Brown the Pilgrim, 79. 
Owen, John, father of Hannah Owen, 79. 

Packard, Cyrus, John Brown and his fugitives at house of, 328 ; 
when he came to Kansas ; his house one of Brown's stopping- 
places, 332 ; Captain Henrv died at house of, 333. 

"Parallels. John IJrown's," 32.5. 

Parrott, M. J., a prisoner in Leavenworth, 224. 

Parker, Theodore, visited by John Brown, 319; advised pobtponement 
of Brown's expedition to Virginia, 321. 

Parsons, Luke F., joins John Brown at Topeka, 316; one of Brown's 
company in Iowa, 317. 

Partridge, Edwin R., obligations of author to, 19; kills the blood- 
hounds of the Doyles, 177. 

Pate, Captain H. Clay, said to have burned the store of Theodore 
Weiner, 191; sketch of, 255; Captain of "Shannon's Sharp- 
Shooters"; General Jo. 0. Shelby's contemptuous characterization 
of his band; decks himself with ribbons; jealous of the Kiekapoo 
Rangers; at sacking of Lawrence; burns Weiner's store, 256; de- 
parture of for the Pottawatomie settlements; expectations of: cap- 
tures John Brown, jr.. 257; men of pour whisky down the throat 
of a Free-State preacher through a funnel; pillage Palmyra; raid 
Prairie City, 258; attacked by Captains Brown and Shore; sends 
out flag of truce, 259, 260; surrenders to John Brown. 261 ; enters 
into an agreement with Captains Brown and Shore for exchange 
of prisoners. 202; released from Brown's grip by Colonel Sumner; 
tries Cantrell for treason to Missouri. 263; in pillage of Osawato- 
mie, 204; sketch of. 2C7, 268; .sends from battle of Black Jack to 
Missouri for Whitfield; ribbons on, 269; at Fort Scott, 322. 

Pearson, Thomas M., visited Kansas in May, 1854, 68. 

Pennsylvania, number of people from in Kansas in 1860, 208. 

Peorias, Indian tribe of in Miami county. 155. 

Pierce, Franklin, pledge of to secure the Presidency, 51; issues 
proclamation commanding combinations in Kansas to disperse, 132. 

Phillips, Wendell, characterization of Virginia, 33. 

Phillips, William, mobbed at Weston, Missouri ; murdered at Leav- 
—27 



418 JOHN BEOWN 

enworth, 57; sends Governor Reeder the letter of Rev. J. B. Mc- 
Afee, 76. 

Phillips, William A., describes the dissatisfaction of the Free-State 
men with the terms of peace in the Wakarusa War, 147; his ac- 
count of the troubles leading to the sacking of Lawrence, 150, 151; 
his The Conquest of Kansas, quoted, 147, 150, 151, 175, 269, 275. 

Plains, The Great, trails across, 49. 

Piatt, Elvira Gaston, obligations of author to, 18. 

"Platte Country," the, described, 48. 

Platte Argus, The, quoted, 71. 

Platte County Self-Defensive Association. The, objects of, 71. 

Pomeroy, Samuel C, prisoner in the ruffian camp in the Wakarusa 
War; released by the treaty of peace, 126. 

Pottawatomie killing, the, news of quieted Buford's men in Leaven- 
worth and caused the release of the Free-State prisoners; state- 
ment of James Townsley concerning; statement of Johnson Clark 
concerning; statement of Samuel F. Tappan concerning; state- 
ment of John B. Manes concerning, 224; statement of Charles Rob- 
inson concerning; statement of Colonel Samuel Walker concerning, 
226, 227 ; statement of Charles Robinson to Lawrence convention 
concerning, 227; statement of August Bondi concerning; state- 
ment of General Jo. 0. Shelby concerning, 229; statement of James 
F. Legate concerning, 231; effect of, 231; James Hanway upon, — 
says that Free-State settlers whispered that it saved them, 232, 
233; Sanborn upon, 234; Spring upon, 234; the Grants upon, 
234, 235; effect of, 237, 238, 239; considered in relation to 
Charles Robinson's change of views upon, 248, 249, 250. 

"Pottawatomie Rifles," marched to the relief of Lawrence, 164. 

Pottawatomie settlements, the, conditions existing in prior to the 
killing of the Doyles and others, 168. 

Pratt, Rev. J. G., some account of; a friend of John T. Jones; his 
account of Henry Sherman, 180. 

Preston, J. T. L., writes an account of the execution of John Brown, 
383. 

Pro-Slavery, issue of in Kansas Territory, 120. 

Provisional Government of Nebraska Territory, The, by William 
Elsey Connelley, quoted, 66. 

Quakers, the, first to antagonize slavery and the slave trade, 27; 
gratitude of the country due to, 317. 

Randolph, John, of Roanoke, against slavery, 47. 

Read, Opie, quoted, 39. 

Reader, Samuel J., obligations of author to, 19; one of the few sur- 
viving Kansas pioneers, 284; journal of quoted, 285, 286, 287, 288, 
289, 290, 291. 

Realf, Richard, joins John Brown at Topeka, 316; one of Brown's 
company in Iowa, 317; invites Edward P. Harris to join John 



INDEX 419 

Brown's expedition to Virginia, 331; elected Secretary of State 
under the Provisional Constitution, 336. 

Redpath. James, his The Public Life of Captain John Brotcn quoted, 
77, 96, 97, 144, 194, 268, 370. 

Reed, B. L., one of the victims of the Marais des Cygnes massacre, 
325. 

Reeder, Andrew H., first Governor of Kansas Territory, 59; knocked 
down by Stringfellow for calling him a "frontier ruffian," 71; 
letter of Rev. J. B. McAfee to, to be on guard for his life, 76; 
author of the "bloody issue" resolution of the Big Springs conven- 
tion, 122; the feeling against in Kansas, 134. 

Reese & Keith, warehouse of in Leavenworth, 75. 

"Regulators," society of, 131. 

Remington, J. B., obligations of author to, 18. 

Reminiscences of Old John Broicn, by G. W. Brown, M. D., quoted, 
77, 144, 147, 213, 214, 216, 218, 245, 247. 

Republican, The St. Louis, contains origin of term Border Ruffian, 71. 

Rice, Harvey D.. obligations of author to, 19. 

Richards. Rev. Thomas C, obligations of author to, 18. 

Richardson, Richard, goes to Iowa with John Brown, 316; one of 
Brown's company in Iowa, 317. 

Robertson, William, one of the victims of the Marais des Cygnes 
massacre, 325. 

Robinson, Charles, commissions John Brown Captain in the Waka- 
rusa War, 125; elected Governor under the Topeka Constitution, 
130; one of the organizers of the Free-State secret societies, 131; 
message of to the Legislature under the Topeka Constitution, 134; 
residence burned at sacking of Lawrence, 140; characterization 
of by Mr. Foster of Osawatomie, 147; states Eli Thayer's "epi- 
demic" theory of freedom in Kansas, 185; intention of John 
Brown, jr., to rescue, 190; says John Brown did not base his 
reasons for the Pottawatomie killings on the ground of self-defense, 
197; supposed by Colonel Samuel Walker to have advised the 
killing of the Doyles, Wilkinson, and Sherman, — this is probably 
an erro'- f Walker, 199; Hanway's statement of intention to 
rescue, i : letter of to The Topeka Commonwealth mentioned, 
213; uses the expression "five men and boys" in reference to the 
Pottawatomie killings, 214; prisoner in Leavenworth, 224; justi- 
fies John Brown in killing the Doyles, Wilkinson, and Sherman, 
on the Pottawatomie, 226; tells Colonel Walker that the killings 
did much good to the Free-State cause; says in meeting at Law- 
rence the killing was right, 227; presides at dedication of John 
Brown monument at Osawatomie; tribute to John Brown, 228; 
justifies John Brown in Kansas Magazine, 238; quoted by Ingalls 
as justifying .John Brown, 241 ; absurd statement of that the sack- 
ing of Lawrence, ]May 21, 1856, was a victory for the Free-State 
cause; gives the highest praise to John Brown, and then becomes 
one of his most bitter defamers; was the eulogist of John Brown 
for more than twenty-one years; position of refuted by Thomas H. 



420 



JOHN BROWN 



Gladstone, 244, 245 ; said to have been threatened with violence at 
Leavenworth Ibecause of the Pottawatomie killings; Gladstone 
shows that the Leavenworth trouble was caused by the assault of 
Brooks upon Senator Sumner in the Senate chamber, 246, 247 ; 
notice concerning his defamation of John Brown; cause he assigns 
for his change of mind insufficient; friends of attack any writer 
who has a kind word for Lane, Brown, Abbott, or Montgomery; 
bitterness of old quarrels passing away, 248, 249, 250; misstates 
facts concerning the battle of Black Jack; does injustice to Cap- 
tains Brown and Shore; refuted by Townsley; mars a great his- 
torical work to gratify his grudges, 274 ; ordered East in interest 
of Free-State cause; captured at Lexington, Mo., 282; his The 
Kansas Conflict quoted, 214, 244, 245, 274. 

Robinson, Mrs. Sara T. D., some account of work of; obligations of 
author to, 17; her Kansas: Its Interior and Exterior Life quoted, 
213, 218; the first edition of one of the best Kansas authorities, 
151. 

Rolf, Mr., 69. 

Root, Frank A., statement of, 145. 

Root, Dr. J. P., one of the company of Kansans to go to the Nebraska 
State line to welcome Lane's Army of the North, 286. 

Ross, Patrick, one of the victims of the Marais des Cygnes massacre, 
325. 

Rousseau, quoted, 39. 

Ruffians, the border, hatred of for Emigrant Aid Societies, 54 ; char- 
acter of, 55; origin of name of; first invasion of Kansas; invade 
Kansas at the first election, 55, 56; Gihous description of, 72; 
outrages committed by in Kansas, 156, 157, 158, 159; infest Le- 
compton, 159; urged to exterminate Free-State men and drive out 
Free-State settlers, 181; pour whisky down Free-State preacher's 
throat through a funnel, 258 ; one in the Bogus Legislature at- 
tempts to rob Governor Geary, 303. 

"Safety Valve," Committee of Safety for Lawrence, May 21, 1856, 
so called in contempt, 139. 

Salters, Samuel, acting sheriflT of Douglas county, 137; deputy sher- 
iff of Douglas county; scalded by Mrs. John Speer; scours the 
country to arrest Free-State men; form of pass issued by, 150. 

"Sambo's Mistakes," written by John Brown, 109. 

Sanborn, F. B., obligations of author to, 15; statement of concerning 
Mrs. Wilkinson, 234; goes to home of Gerrit Smith to see John 
Brown, 318; advised Brown to postpone his expedition to Virginia, 
321; John Brown spends his last birthday with, 330; his Life and 
Letters of John Brown quoted, 76, 77, 96, 98, 100, 101, 118, 143, 
147, 175, 177, 178, 179, 209, 210, 243, 244, 248, 251, 273, 274, 275, 
301, 303, 304, 332, 347, 359, 370. 

Scrap-Book, The Webb, quoted from, 243. 

Scudder, Colonel Thomas E., invited to go to Harper's Ferry with 
John Brown, 331. 



INDEX 



421 



Sevier, John, sehoolcd on the frontier in the ways of men, 80. 

Seward, William H., challenge of to the South, 53. 

Shannon, Governor \Vi!?on, ajipointcd (Governor of Kansas Territory; 
character of; his course; his (light from the Territory, 59; meet>» 
Governor Geary, 76; calls for troops to arrest Branson rescuers, 
137; Missourians in consultation with, 139; plied with brandy by 
the commanders of the Free-State forces in the Wakarusa War, 
146; given shares in the Lecompton town site, 159; orders Colonel 
Sumner to disperse armed bands, 262; frightened by the firing 
upon Fort Titus, 294. 

Shelby, Isaac, schooled on the frontier in the ways of men, 86. 

Shelby, General Jo. 0.. tribute of to John Brown; justifies the Potta- 
watomie killings, 229. 

Sherbondy, Ellen, marries Ja.son Brown, 97. 

Sheridan, Daniel, house of a stopping-place for John Brown, 316; 
visited bj' John Brown, 328. 

Sherman, Henry, commonly known as "Dutch Henry," character of; 
account of, 160; the Doyles the tool of; Buford's men in com- 
munication with, 162: in Missouri when Lawrence was sacked, 
167; found at camp of Buford's men, 178; one of the party to help 
burn the houses of the Free-State settlers on the Pottawatomie, 
180; Rev. J. G. Pratt's account of; desire to kill the Rev. David 
Baldwin, ISO, 181; threatens Free-State men, 237. 

Sherman, John, one of the Congressional Committee to investigate 
Kansas afl'airs, 134. 

Sherman, William, character of, 161 ; outrageous conduct of towards 
Morse, 105: warned by Frederick Brown to not molest the daugh- 
ter of a Free-State settler, 177; cause of death of as stated by 
James Hanway, 181, 182; raised a red flag over his house when he 
heard of the sacking of Lawrence, 182, 183; Townsley's version of 
the death of, 201; statement of killing of, 214; was not mutilated, 
218; warns Free-State settlers to leave the Pottawatomie settle- 
ments, 22.5; notifies Free-State men to leave the Pottawatomie 
settlements by a certain day, 229; a bad man, 230; in constant 
communication with Buford s men, 235; attempt to kill Morse. 236. 

Shore, Captain Samuel T., had the Free-State forces camp upon his 
claim, 165: collects his men to fight Pate, 258; engages in battle 
of Black Jack, 259, 271 ; praised by John Brown for his braverj 
at Black Jack, 273. 

Shore, Montgomery, information obtained from concerning the 
Doyles; sketch of, 177. 

Slavery, at Jamestown, Va., 27; founders of our Republic opposed 
to, 28 ; measures to promote growth of, 29 ; infatuation of the 
South for, 30; statistics concerning, 32; unpopularity of in Appa- 
lachian America, 33; why it flourished in the South, 34; when 
abolished by the North, 40: intolerance concerning in the South, 
40, 41: decadence of Virginia under, 43; declared the only issue 
in Kansas Territory by the Bogus Legislature, 120. 

Slave trade, when abolished by the United States, 28. 



422 



JOHN BKOWN 



Smith, Ed. R., writes an account of the Marais des Cygnes massacre, 
332. 

Smith, Gerrit, visited by John Brown, 318, 319, 330; advised post- 
ponement of Brown's expedition to Virginia, 321. 

Smith, G. W., said by G. VV. Brown to have intended the arrest of 
John Brown, 144. 

Smith, S. C, drives from Leavenworth to Lawrence, 224. 

Smith, William, seized as a fugitive slave in Wilkesbarre, Pa., 114. 

Snvder, Asa, one of the victims of the Marais des Cygnes massacre, 
325. 

Snyder, , escapes the Marais des Cygnes massacre, 323. 

"Social Bands," organization of in Missouri, 54. 

Societies, Free-State secret, organization of, 131. 

Society, frontier, influence of upon a people, 85. 

"Sons of the South," organized in Missouri, 54. 

Spaniards, introduce slavery into the New World, 26. 

Speer, John, on character of Allen Wilkinson, 176; upon the cause 
of the killing of the Doyles and others, 183. 

Spring, Leverett W., author of Kansas: The Prelude to the War for 
the Union; unfair and unreliable as a writer of Kansas history; 
wrote in the interest of Governor Robinson ; defames John Brown 
and General Lane; defames Kansas Free-State men; in contempt 
calls murdered Free-State men "abolition wolf-meat"; forced to 
leave Kansas by the storm of indignation aroused by his book in 
the State; characterization of by Hon. D. W. Wilder, author of 
Annals of Kansas, 169, 170, 171, 172; conies to a right conclusion 
upon the character of John Brown and the Pottawatomie killings, 
240, 241; describes the reign of terror on the Pottawatomie be- 
fore the killing of the Doyles and others, 234; says that the Potta- 
watomie killings saved the lives of Governor Robinson and other 
prisoners, 246; his book not considered authority in Kansas; un- 
fairness of; character of; criticism of by Wilder, 169 to 172. 

Standish. Miles, location of house of, 95. 

Stearns, Clark, 69. 

Stearns, George L., visited by John Brown, 321. 

Steel, W. G., interview of with Salmon Brown, 267, 270, 271, 272. 

Stevens, Aaron Dwight, known in Kansas as "Captain Whipple," 286 : 
his first meeting with John Brown, 291; sketch of by Reader, 301; 
goes to Iowa with John Brown; made drill-master of Brown's 
army, 316, 317; with John Brown when he left Kansas, 333; 
sketch of, 340; reads the Provisional Constitution, 349; in the 
front of the column on the march from Kennedy farm to Harper's 
Ferry, 351; execution of, 356; carried to Charlestown, 365. 

Stilwell, Thomas, one of the victims of the Marais des Cygnes mas- 
sacre, 325. 

Stringfellow, John H., threats in paper of, 58; knocks down Gover- 
nor Reeder for calling him a "frontier ruffian," 71; resolution of 
making slavery the supreme issue in Kansas Territory, 141; fore- 
tells the secession of the South; describes the banquet given in 



INDEX 



423 



honor of the sacking of Lawrence, 174; says the Free-State men 

must leave Kansas, 182. 
Stuart, J. E. B., recognizes John Brown, 355. 
Sumner, Colonel, releases Captain Pate, 262, 263. 

Tappan, Colonel Samuel F., statement of concerning the Pottawato- 
mie killings, 224. 

Taylor, Pap, one of the murderers of Reese P. Brown, 73. 

Taylor, Steward, joins Brown's company in Iowa, 317; sketch of, 
345 ; left to guard the bridge over the Potomac at Harper's Ferry, 
351; with Watson Brown, stops train, 352; killed at Harper's 
Ferry, 35G. 

Tennessee, number of people from in Kansas in 1860. 200. 

Thayer, Eli, principal mover in the organization of the Emigrant Aid 
Company, 53; one of the first assailants of John Brown, 146; 
''epidemic" theory of freedom for Kansas stated by Governor Rob- 
inson, 185; criticism of book of; absurdity of claims of; Kansas 
acknowledges gratitude to and recognizes services of; did less for 
Kansas than did John Brown, 207 ; his The Kansas Crusade 
quoted, 66, 68, 70; refutation of statements in by Rev. R,ichard 
Cordley, 70. 

The Conquest of Kansas, by William A. Phillips, quoted, 147, 150, 
151, 175, 269, 275. 

The Kansas Conflict, by Charles Robinson, quoted, 214, 244, 245, 274. 

The Kansas Crusade, by Eli Thayer, quoted, 66, 68, 70. 

The Kansas Memorial, quoted, 141, 213. 

The Memorial of 8. N. Wood, quoted, 66, 251. 

Thompson, Dauphin, sketch of, 340; killed at Harper's Ferry, 356. 

Thompson. Henry, son-in-law of John Brown; accompanies him to 
Iowa, 63 ; marries Ruth Brown, 97 ; a member of John Brown's 
company for the relief of Lawrence, 164; goes with John Brown to 
Pottawatomie, 190; wounded at Black Jack, 2S4. 

Thompson, Isabella M., marries Watson Brown, 97. 

Thompson, William, sketch of, 340; killed at Harper's Ferry, 356. 

Tnoreau. Henry D., characterization of John Brown, 97. 

Tidd, Charles P., one of the company of Brown in Iowa, 317; sketch 
of, 342; one of the leaders of the march to Harper's Ferry, 350; 
duty of at Harper's Ferry to tear down telegraph wires, 351; es- 
cape of from Harper's Ferry. 3."6. 

Titus, Colonel J. B., sent by Florida to Kansas, 133; at Lawrence, 
May 21, 1856, 138; house of a rendezvous of Buford's men, 255. 

Tomlinson. W. P., writes of the troubles in southeastern Kansas, 331. 

Topeka, old rope ferry at, 68. 

"Topeka Jlovement, The," incident in the Free-State issue. 121 ; the 
Rev. Dr. Cordley upon. 130; considered by the Pro-Slavery party 
as treasonable, 131; the object of, 132. 

Townsley, James, goes with John Brown to Pottawatomie, 190; con- 
tradictory nature of statements of. 191 ; iibsurdity of claims shown, 
192; says John Brown shot "old man Doyle," 200; keeps in the 



424 



JOHN BKOWN 



background his part of the work at Pottawatomie, 201 ; erroneous 
statement of concerning the killing of Sherman, 201, 202; state- 
ments of shown to be erroneous, 202, 203; says the bodies of the 
slain at Pottawatomie were not mutilated, 205; volunteered to re- 
turn to the Pottawatomie settlements, 210; convicted of lying by 
Blood's statement, 211; why he was permitted to go to the Potta- 
watomie, 212; statement of 'quoted from, 213, 214; quotation from 
first statement, 214, 215; last statement quoted from, 216; state- 
ment of refuted by affidavit of James Harris, 218; statement of 
that the dead were not mutilated, 218, 219; defeated for Captain 
of the "Pottawatomie Rifles," 220; says Pottawatomie killings 
were beneficial to the Free-State cause,* 224; describes the battle 
of Black Jack, 274. 

Trails, those across the Great Plains, 49. 

Treadwell, Colonel, sent to Kansas by South Carolina, 133. 
/Treason, "constructive," doctrines of," 154; Judge Lecompte's charge 
( establishing "constructive treason," 173. 

Tuttle's Eistory of Kansas, quoted, 148, 149, 151, 195. 

The Ttcentieth Century Classics, this work originally prepared for, 
79; quoted, 141. 

Updegbaff, Dr., in battle of Osawatomie, 297. 
Usher, J. P., address of quoted from, 141. 

Vallandigham, C. L., hurries to Harper's Ferry, 361. 
Vermont, number of people from in Kansas in 1860, 209. 
Victor, Orville J., his Eistory of American Conspiracies quoted, 75. 
Vigilance Committee, one formed in Leavenworth, 56. 
Virginia, decadence of under slavery, 32; characterized at Algiers, 
33; number of people from in Kansas in 1860, 208. 

Wade, A. B., 69. 

Wade, N. E., 69. 

Wakarusa, the War upon, or Shannon's War, 124; terms of oeace 
of, 127. ^ 

Wakefield, J. A., settled in Douglas county in 1854, 69; a prisoner 
in Leavenworth, 224. 

Walker, Captain, bound arms of John Brown, jr., 254. 

Walker, Robert J., accused by Senator Benton of using $50,000 of 
the money of the United States to assist slavery, 42. 

Walker, Colonel Samuel, visited Kansas in May, 1854, 68: state- 
ment of what John Brown told him of the killings at Pottawatomie 
198; supposed Brown meant that Lane and Pvobinson advised the 
Pottawatomie killings, 199; statement of concerning the Potta- 
watomie killings, 227; with company to welcome Lane's Armv of 
the North, 286. ^ 

Walker, Governor William, letter from Jefferson Buford to, 173. 

Ware, Eugene F., some account of works of; Poet Lameate of Kan- 
sas; obligations of author to, 17. 



INDEX 



425 



Washington, General George, opposed to slavery, 28 ; would have 
been murdered in Virginia in 1850 for his anti-slavery views, 42; 
writes against slavery, 46; schooled on the frontier in the ways of 
men, 86. 

Washington, Colonel Lewis, brought to Harper's Ferry by John E. 
Cook, 352. 

Wattles, Augustus, John Brown stopped with and worked for, 324. 

Weas, Indian tribe of in Miami county, 155. 

Webb Scrap-Book, The, quoted, 243. 

Weiner, Theodore, warned oy the Doyles and other ruffians to leave 
the Pottawatomie; flees to the camp of the Free-State men, 167; 
house of burned, 180; goes with John Brown to Pottawatomie, 
190; store of when burned, 191; went to the camp of John 
Brown, jr., 225; store of burned by Captain Pate, 256. 

Wetherell, , clerk of first election in Leavenworth, 56. 

White, Rev. Martin, at head of a band of Missourians that captures 
Jason Brown, 253 ; murders Frederick Brown, 295. 

Whitfield, J. W., description of Kansas, 182; summoned by Captain 
Pate; responds and goes to Kansas, 262, 263. 

Whitman, E. B., visited by John Brown, 316. 

"Whipple, Captain." Aaron D. Stevens; with company that went from 
Topeka to welcome Lane's Army of the North ; sketch of, 286. 

Wilder, D. W.. some account of his great work for Kansas; obliga- 
tions of author to, 16; criticism of upon book of Leverett W. 
Spring, 170, 171, 172; his "The Story of Kansas" quoted from to 
show number of people in Kansas from difi'ercnt States in 1860; 
who settled Kansas; who made Kansas free, 208; upon Pottawato- 
mie killings, 242 ; his quotation concerning Major D. S. Hoyt, 302 ; 
his Annals of Kansas quoted, 67, 71, 77, 147, 148, 331. 

Willetts. Jacob, obligations of author to. 19. 

Wilkes, Colonel, sent to Kansas from Virginia. 133. 

Williams, Mr., killed by ruffians at battle of Osawatomie, 297. 

Williams. H. H., some account of; sent to camp of Jolm Brown, 181 ; 
carried message to John Brown, 189; says he carried the message 
to John Brown, 209; elected Captain of the "Pottawatomie Rifles," 
220. 

Wilkinson. Allen, character of; account of, 161; spent much of his 
time in the camp of Buford's men, 1G3; actions of against John 
Brown described by John Speer, 176; found at camp of Buford's 
men, 178; cause of the death of stated by James Hanway, 181. 
182: postmaster, and member of Bogus Legislature, 182; manner 
of the death of, 201; dead body was not mutilated, 218; notifies 
Free-State settlers to leave the Pottawatomie. 220; a bad man, 
230; wife of tried to prevent his outraging Free-State settlers; 
told his wife that Free-State settlers were to be exterminHted in 
Pottawatomie settlements. 234; in communication with Buford's 
men, 235; attempts to kill Morse. 236. 

Wilkinson, Tx)uisa Jane, wife of Allen Wilkinson, makes affidavit, 
215; tried to keep her husband out of the troubles; said her hus- 



426 



JOHN BROWN 



band told her that the Free-State settlers were to be killed; state- 
ment of to Dr. Gillpatrick, 234. 

Wilson, George, probate judge of Anderson county in 1856, found 
at camp of Buford's men, 178; one of the party to burn houses of 
Free-State settlers on the Pottawatomie, ISO; John Brown in- 
tended to have killed him, 213. 

Wisconsin, number of people from in Kansas in 1860, 209. 

Wise, Governor Henry A., upon the decadence of Virginia under 
slavery, 43; tribute of to John Brown, 211; his estimate of the 
character of John Brown, 363; receives threatening letters, 378. 

Wood, J. N. O. P., attacks John Brown near Holton and fights the 
"Battle of the Spurs," 328. 

Wood, S. N.. settles in Douglas county in 1854. 69; arrested for 
Branson rescue, 136; what he says of the "Missouri Blue Lodges," 
231; Memorial of quoted, 66, 251. 

Woodson, Daniel, Secretary of Kansas Territory and often acting- 
Governor, War of, 276; declares Kansas Territory in state of in- 
surrection, 297, 298. 

Wyandots, in Captain Pate's company, 269. 

Yates, G. W. W., obligations of author to, 19. 



THE JOHN BROWN PAPERS. 



A Historical Collection of Original Documents and 
Letters, Public, Private, and Family; with Letters 
of the Men Connected with Osawatomie and Har- 
per's Ferry. 



The Editors of this Great Work are Colonel RICHARD J. HINTON, 

of Brooklyn, New York, and WILLIAM ELSEY 

CONNELLEY, of Topeka. 



Colonel Hinton is one of the few surviving pioneers of Kansas. He gave 
the best years of his life to her cause. He has written much on Kansas 
History. He knew personally all the great characters who fought and 
labored for Kansas freedom. He was one of the trusted friends of John 
Brown. Every man who went to Harper's Ferry was his friend and compan- 
ion. For him a man was tried and executed by the State of Virginia. Colo- 
nel Hinton's JoJui Brown and His Men is one of the great historical works 
of the time. He has written a great many other able and valuable works. 

Mr. Connelley has written much and well on Kansas history, having just 
completed a Life of John Brown. His works are recognized as authority. 
He is a student, — one not afraid of work. He investigates. He digs 
down to the origin of things in every department of his subject. He be- 
lieves that much of genius lies in hard work. 

John Brown will live in history as the greatest of American reformers. 
The heroic age of any people is that in which its pioneers grapple with 
and subdue the wild forces of nature,— when savage men and primeval 
forests are made to bow to progress and civilization. In this conflict 
men try as in a balance their institutions. In this fierce retort is their sys- 
tem of government purified. What is fundamentally wrong is here cor- 
rected and eliminated. The true course of national life is discovered and 
defined. The truly great men of our country, Benton, Brown, Clay, Har- 
rison, Jefferson, Jackson, Washington, and Franklin, learned the ways of 
men and the spirit of liberty on the frontiers of the nation. 

In the heroic age of our country John Brown grew up in the wilderness 
of the Ohio Valley. The spirit of the Puritan Pilgrim was here quickened 
in him. He became the disciple of Jefferson, and lived to make a reality 

1427) 



what Jefferson left a theory. Here he developed the spirit of liberty which 
made him the hero of the people and a martyr for humanity. He changed 
our history and the course of our national life. No man is well informed 
in the history of America who has not carefully and deeply studied the life 
and times of John Brown. This fact makes his writings invaluable. The 
published biographies contain some of his letters and documents, but they 
are edited, corrected and changed. Students now demand to see exact 
facsimiles of documents ; they desire to decide for themselves their meaning. 
To supply this want is one of the purposes of the John Brown P.\pers. 
But it is to do much more than that. It will be a great work, worthy of the 
man and of the nation's cause. The letters will be grouped in a way to exhibit 
the forces generated on the frontiers of the Anglo-Saxon civilization in the 
forests of America. They will reveal phases of American life now past 
forever, but the effects of which will remain our most potent forces as long 
as we are a people. To these forces did John Brown owe much of the inspi- 
ration of his life. Every American should be familiar with them. He can- 
not rightly understand the institutions of our country without a thorough 
knowledge of their origin, operation, and effect. This the work is designed 
to facilitate. 

We solicit subscriptions to this great work. It will be a folio volume, 
embracing the Historical Papers of John Brown and his men, printed on 
fine paper, from new type, with wide margins, fine illustrations and auto- 
graph facsimiles, including an engraving of John Brown from the most cor- 
rect portrait in existence. It will be handsomely bound, and will contain 
about 550 pages. 

We have placed it at the extremely low price of $2.50. 

Fill out the following subscription blank and forward it to us : 



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Gentlemen :-— I hereby subscribe for THE JOHN BROWN PAPERS, 
edited by Colonel Richard J. Hinton and William E. Connelley; price, 
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